Social Scientist. v 11, no. 122 (July 1983) p. 27.


Graphics file for this page
NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN ORISSA 27

around Rajkanika had the highest population density in the two districts of Cuttack and Balasore (900 per square mile and over).12 Thus the pressure on land was heavier in the Cuttack side of the estate. Moreover, there was an increase in the migration to outlying areas. Although we do not have exact data for Kanika, the data13 we possess provide the basis for such an assertion.

Thirdly, the evidence suggests that there must have been an increase in the rental collected by the estate. There were no limits on the rental, and it had increased by Rs 33,455 between 1880-81 and 1893-94. Moreover, the enquiry of the Collector of Cuttack, Rai Bahadur Brajendranath Ray, in February 1922, revealed that between 1893-94 and 1922 there had been three changes in the estate's taxation stucture:

(i) The rental in the Cuttack portion of the estate had been enhanced by two annas to the rupee around 1916 (the 1921-22 movement was the strongest in this part of Kanika);

(ii) The baukar (forest cess) which had been four annas per holding had been raised to eight annas three pies in October 1910;

however, on the petition of some "principal tenants" it had been made six annas in the rupee. The increase in the forest cess must have made things difficult for the tribals and low castes who depended on the forests;

(iii) A pasturage tax on buffalows at eight annas per head had been introduced.14 The introduction of the pasturage tax must have hit the pastoral castes (i e, milkmen and cowherds).15

What emerges is a picture of growing pressure on the people of the estate. Besides this, they were exposed to other forms of exploitation. Thus, they were forced to sell the bulk of their harvest (paddy) leaving very little for them to live on. This was then sold to dealers outside the estate at two or three times the cost price. The estate was in a position to do this since^ according to the existing system, the peasants could not sell their produce in the market themselves. At times they were forced to work for constructing roads and bridges without being paid for it, and were made to pay eight annas per acre whenever any bridge was built. Although they paid a forest cess they were not allowed to enter the jungles. This was obviously a source of tension, especially between the tribals and the low castes who depended heavily on the forests, and the estate. An interesting feature was that when the peasants needed loan to meet the demands of the estate they were not allowed to borrow from other moneylenders, but only from the estate, obviously at high interest rates.16

To make things worse, the estate had been hit by floods in 1920. In spite of this the Raja (Rajendra Narayan Bhanja Deo) had not given any concessions to the peasants. He had not allowed the government to distribute rice and takavi loans after the floods on the



Back to Social Scientist | Back to the DSAL Page

This page was last generated on Wednesday 12 July 2017 at 18:02 by dsal@uchicago.edu
The URL of this page is: https://dsal.uchicago.edu/books/socialscientist/text.html