NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN ORISSA 4^ sansculottes in Paris who gave new meaning to the ideas of 'equality', 'Liberty' and 'sovereignity' which were quite unacceptable to their Jacobin teachers", pp 32-33. 125 Rude, The Crowd in History: A Study of Popular Disturbances in France and England 1730-1848, New York, 1964. refers to how "...one type of crowd is liable, by the instrusion of the unexpected or of forces outside itself to be converted into another", p 4; and how, "...by his position 'outside' the crowd, the leader was always in danger of losing his control over a protracted period, or of seeing his ideas adopted to purposes other than those he had intfcnded", p 248. One cannot ignore the relevance of these assertions while studying changes in crowd behaviour. 126 M H Siddiqui, Agrarian Unrest in North India: The United Provinces 1918-1922, New Delhi, 1978, p ix (intro). David Hardiman (Peasant Nationalists of Gujarat: Kheda District 1917-1934, New Delhi, 1981) also draws similar conclusions. As he feels, the "peasants did not...like to act independently of the nationalist leaders", p 245. 127 Gyanendra Pandey (Ascendancy of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh: A Study in Imperfect Mobilisation, Delhi, 1978) also draws similar conclusions in his study of U P. 128 See, for example, Georges Lefebvre, "Revolutionary Crowds", in Jeffrey Kaplow (ed). New Perspectives on the French Revolution, New York, 1965, pp 173-190; Rude, Paris and London...; op cit; E P Thompson, "The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century", Past and Present, No 50, February 1971; and David Arnold, "Looting, Grain Riots and Government Policy in South India, 1918", Past and Present, No 84, August 1979. 129 Thus, Hardiman, op cit, p 246, points out how Gandhi's "orders" in 1922/ 1931 to halt the no rent movement were "obeyed" by the peasants. 130 Pati, op cit, p 104.