TOOK REVIBW 71 bourgeois democracy contained certain elements of truth. However, an accurate critique could only come form the Left^ The idealising of 'bureaucracy9, 'competence', 'expertise9, 'impartiality9 etc in contrast to the 'dilettantism9 of party politicians and parliament was another general feature in the anti-democratic trends in the West, particularly in Germany. It was a conscious or unconscious surrender to the interests 6f imperialist finance capital which seeks to assert its specific interests through sub-committees and does not want to rely entirely on elected representatives. As Germany was not democratic, this tendency reinforced the successful resistance of the imperial and Prussian civil and militry bureaucracy to any attempt at a progressive restructuring of State institutions. Quasi-parliamentarianism degenerated into impotence. And this led to further stasis. This not only helped to preserve the age-old servility of the average or highly developed intellectual but also gave it a new ideological sanction. To submit unreservedly to the decisions of authority was regarded as a special German virtue and as the hallmark of a socially higher stage of development. The internal crisis of Wilhelmine Germany, the national humiliation suffered in the War and as a result of the Verseilles Treaty, and worsening economic conditions were enough to make the average German petite bourgeois and servile people hostile to democracy. This was strengthened by the reformist path adopted by the labour movement, and the stage was set for Hitler to seize the 'spirit of the Nation5. The irrationalist movement does not end with Hitler. As we said earlier, the salvaging of the reactionary "essence99 of irrationalism begins with an overt repudiation of Hitler and Rosenberg". The 'eminent9 Nietzsche has to be saved for the imperialist bourgeoisie. Lukacs therefore felt that a polemic against irrationalism as an ideology of militant reaction cannot end with Hitler. As the United States replaced Germany as the leading power of imperialist reaction, the 'American Age9 began, with various brands of cold war ideologies. As soon as the war ends the Crusade against communism begins—this time taken, up by 'democrats^ Naturally this necessitates a change of orientation in 'democratic views9—the war against 'fascism' is continued in the form of a war again s 'totalitarianism9 (obviously to be fought with the help of France and German survivors of the Nazi movement like Schacht, and Krupp). If we look at some of the passionately fought debates around us, the significance of Lukacs9 treatment of irrationalism becomes obvious. Though the historical circumstances to which Lukacs9 work was a response differ from ours in significant respects, we cannot but notice a definite resemblance between Lukacs' adversaries and some of the important theoreticians of contemporary Indian reality. With regard to the nature and impact of certain socio-ideological trends, we meet a host of apparently disparate interpretations and underlying ideological