60 SOCIAt SC1EN n?» l of coffee and later of tea—each ultimately giving \vav, to a smaller or larger extent, to the plantation sector, which had at its back the strength of its integration with the world market as well as of state power. This triumph of the plantation economy also gave rise to a 'comprador' Ceylonese capitalist class between which and European masters there was no conflict; inevitably the Cevlonese capitalists remained tied to the mercantile sector, ever subordinate to European planters (p.285). Bandarage's is a forceful argument, its great authority deriving from extensive research and documentation. She opens and concludes tier study with questioning the dual economy thesis which would logically lead to upholding the 'modernizing' role of European colonial intervention in a 'traditional' society. Colonialism for her could only create underdeyelopment. In view of Bandarage's authoritative command over an impressive range of empirical data and her constant awareness of the need to study these data in a theoretical perspective ofsomesophistication,luT diffidence in developing a theoretical framework of her own is somewhat puz/.ling. Her critical acumen is demonstrated admirably in the last chapter on 'Theoretical Conclusions' where she evaluates all the nee-Marxist theoretical approaches to the complex problem of the nature oi colonialism's relationship with pre-colonial soneties; it is therefore slightly less than satisfying that slie should conclude with an accumulation of the salient (or, for that "matter, residual) elements of each in an attempt At synthesis. HARBANS MUKHIA Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.