Social Scientist. v 13, no. 145 (June 1985) p. 36.


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36 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

and the petty-bourgeoisie, both of whom shared the same idiom for different ends. In this warfare between the dominant classes of feudalism and subordinate classes of anti-feudal struggle (educated youth and general masses) the mass-mobilization was therefore carried out through Quoranic discourse. The issue became who knows the basics of Islam and how much. For instance, while challenging his political adversaries (Sheikh Abdullah in particular) and claiming to be the only high priest of Islamic orthodoxy, Mirwaiz Moulvi YusafShah announced on 11 September 1931:

"Those who do not follow the canons of Islam will never progress... Those who do not know the different aspects and the meanings of Arabic language can interpret the Quoran only wrongly '?1 In interpreting economics and politics, the objective of the fundamentalists was to maintain status quo by giving the popular slogan of 'Islam in danger' against the people themselves.2 On the other hand the vanguard of the subaltern classes—the petty bourgeois Reading Room Party3 in particular—tried to discover in the so-called 'true-Islam' an instrument of social change which went against Islamic orthodoxy itself. Consequently the Sheikh declared Mirwaiz Maulvi Yusaf Shah as the enemy of Islam because he was ^sucking the blood of poor people".4 The leadership of both the dominant and subordinate classes (of Muslims), thus resorted to Islamic slogans in different ways to maintain and abolish specific power blocks in the economy and politics of the state.

The 1931-35 period of hostility between the two factions, which resulted in numerous conflicts, drew the masses into the controversy in large numbers and led to their politicization. This conflict between Muslim feudal interests and anti-feudal masses wa$ personified in the clash of the 'Sher' (lion, a nickname for Sheikh Abdullah after his valiant revolt against the rule of Maharaja) and the 'Bakra' (goat, a nickname for Mirwaiz YusafShah, after the shape of his beard).

In the 1935-39, period, soon after overcoming the communal pulls and pressures of the Muslim League, the national movement in Kashmir inclined towards the ideological positions of the Congress. In this respect the change in the name of the platform of freedom struggle in Kashmir, All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference (AJKMQ, into All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (AJKNC) should be regarded as a symbolic advance of the secular nationalist forces in the state and a stage in the radicalization of the petty bourgeoisie.

In the third phase of 1939-44, a major controversy developed within the national movement in Kashmir between the radicals influenced by the Congress left-wing as well as the CPI and the rightists under the influence of Gandhi and the Congress right wing, on the nature of the 'Naya Kashmir Programme", and on questions like people's war, and relations -with the Soviet Union in its fight against fascism.

The last phase of 1945-47, was influenced by the movement for Pakistan (led by the Muslim League), followed by the wave of communal holocaust in India. The freedom struggle during this period took the form



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