22 SOCIAL SCIENTIST no reason to demand low electricity rates, because they have no pump-sets. It is next to impossible for a small peasant to get from an official institution the credit needed to dig a well and buy a pumpset. It would spell complete ruin if he borrows, for this purpose, from a private moneylender. Small peasants consequently have no interest in a moratorium on Co-operative and Bank loans. Only an insignificant minority of small peasants make use of this credit facility. In the same way, they have no interest in fixed prices on cash crops, since they generally do not sell any grain in the market.43 On the other hand most small peasants probably work more for others than they hire others to work for them. Consequently they can be expected to take a positive attitude to wage increases.44 But this demand is evidently not an immediate or main demand for them. How then shall the small peasants be mobilised? Our previous analysis suggests that mobilisation strategy should emphasise a struggle against usury which is the main form of exploitation of the small peasants. Experience teaches us that a united peasant movement can be quite successful in a struggle for lower rates of interest and against the vultures of capitalism, namely the moneylenders.45 They should be forced to give true bond letters stating the real sum borrowed. They should be forced to remain content with 12.5 per cent interest which is the maximum permitted by law. Such a struggle seems to be an equivalent to the wage struggle of the labourers. Moreover, the two forms of struggle are such that an alliance of the two agrarian working classes could easily be forged. Because just as the small peasants often work as wagelabourers the agricultural workers are often indebted to and exploited by the moneylenders. Some objections can be raised against the feasibility of the struggle against usury. One is that the landlord is more dependent on a speedy harvest than the moneylender is dependent on the timely payment of interest. Against this it can be said that a wage struggle is a short term affair, while an interest struggle lasts longer. In both cases both parties are equally dependent upon each other. In the long run the money-lender is as dependent on the payment of interest as in the short run the landlord is dependent on getting work done. Another objection is that by striking the debtors one is also destroying the possibilities of getting new loans. This is a defeatist objection. Just as lockout and black listing is powerful weapon in the hands of the landlord, similar techniques may be used by the moneylenders. The only counter-weapon is working class solidarity. Of course, there is nothing wrong with the four demands of the Tamil Nadu kisan Sabha. They just not constitute a sufficient basis for the mobilisation of the small peasants. We do not know if our suggestion is better. We admit that it is a writing-desk construction and that it is based upon a limited experience. If it can contribute to the discussion on tactics and strategy of the peasant movement in India, it has fulfilled