Social Scientist. v 16, no. 178 (March 1988) p. 40.


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40 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

and had the effect of converting Indian forms of knowledge into European objects' (p. 283) is not worked out in a dialogue with his evidence.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. See Kapil Kumar, 'Peasants' Perception of Gandhi and His Programme: Oudh 1921-22', Social Scientist, February 1983.

2. S. Bhattachaiya. The Outsiders: A Historical Note' in Ashok Mitra (ed.). The Truth Unites: Essays in Tribute to Samar Sen, Calcutta, 1985. pp. 97-98.

3. R.N. Gilchrist. Payment of Wages and Profit Sharing, Calcutta. 1924. p. 294.

4. Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World, Delhi, 1986.

5. Edward Said, Orientalism, London. 1978. pp. 154-206.

6. Rafiuddin Ahmed. The Bengal Muslims 1871-1906: A Quest for Identity. Delhi. 1981.

7. For some representative writing within this framework, see Bipan Chandra.

Nationalism and Colonialism in Modern India, New Delhi. 1979; D.N. Dhanagare, 'Agrarian Conflict, Religion and Politics: The Moplah Rebellion in Malabar in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries', in Past and Present, No. 74. February 1977. pp. 112-114; and Majid Siddiqui. Agrarian Unrest in Northern India: The United Provinces 1918-1922, New Delhi. 1978.

8. Badri Dutt Pande. Kumaon Ka Itihas, Almora. 1937.

9. Shekhar Pathak. Vttarkhand Mein Coolie Begar Pratha: 1815-1949'. impublished Ph.D. thesis. Dept. of History, Kumaon Univ.,1980; and Shekhar Pathak. 'Kumaon Mein Begar Anmulan Andolan\ paper presented at aseminar on Peasant Movements in Uttar Pradesh at Jawaharlal Nehru University, October 19-20. 1982.

10. Broad-leafed deciduous trees, especially the Himalayan oak, provided fodder and leaf manure, while their roots were correctly believed to conserve water, thereby conserving springs and preventing floods.

11. Cited by Ramchandra Guha, 'Forestry and Social Protest in British Kumaon 1893-1921'. m Ranajit Guha (ed.). Subaltern Studies IV. Delhi. 1985. fn. 141. p. 93.

12. J.C. Galey. 'Creditors. Kings and Death: Determinations and Implications of Bondage i n Tehri-Garhwal (Indian Himalayas)', in C. Malamond (ed.). Debts and Debtors, New Delhi. 1983.

13. Ibid.

14. Eric Stokes. The Peasant Armed, edited by C. A. Bayly, London. 1986. p. 165.

15. Rudranshu Mukherjee, Awadh in revolt 1857-1858: A Study of Popular Resistance^ Delhi. 1984. p. 141.

16. Ibid.. p. 136.

17. Although Cohn acknowledges an interface, in his argument Indian knowledge and the specialist who controlled it assume an inert and passive character.

18. This seems to be a serious lapse. Cohn states that: ' I have chosen to utilise a mode of exposition which is obviously influenced by Michael Foucaul*. My effort will be to t ry to locate the kinds of questions his work directs towards . . . '. (p. 284) The manner in which power is implicated and is exercised through the categories and organising principles of a discourse is a central concern of Foucault.

19. This is not to suggest that Cohn completely ignores these questions. Our point is that he does not tackle these questions in a consistent and systematic fashion to constitute an argument.

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