COMMUNICATIONS 65 of a people's democratic front in Assam, under the leadership of the proletariat. Even a correct approach to the controversial language issue of Assam depends today on the way we assess the role of its middle class. The line between a middle class driven towards fascism and a radicalized,' revolutionized one is drawn by a correct dialectical proletarian approach.19 The middle-class or the petty-bourgeois section, which frequently indulges in minority-baiting, even the worst form of pogroms, is not altogether a hopeless case. It may again take a quick about-turn and join the ranks of the radical movement. Such sharp twists and turns and vacillations in a revolutionary situation are not at all unexpected, so far as this section is concerned. An ideological battle alongside the working-class movement, keeping its doors open to the middle class, is what is needed. The Assamese middle class has started rethinking and has already been out on the streets unitedly with the broad masses of workers and peasants in the struggle against the price rise. Let us take note of this fact. AMALENDU GUHA ARVIND N DAS 1 Hiren Gohain, "Origins of the Assamese Middle Class", Social Scientist, No 13, August 1973, pi 1. 9 Ibid., p 23. 8 Ibid., p 12. * Ibid. s Ibid. 6 Ibid., p 13. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid., p 18. » Ibid., p 19. 1 ° The terms, 'national bourgeoisie' and 'petty bourgeoisie* have been used by us in the sense Mao Tse-tung gave them: "The middle bourgeoisie'. This class represents the capitalist relations of production in China in town and country. (By) the middle bourgeoisie...is meant chiefly the national bourgeoisie... The petty bourgeoisie: Included in this category are the owner-peasants, the master handicraftsmen, the lower levels of the intellectuals—students, primary and secondary school teachers, lower government functionaries, office clerks, small lawyers—and the small traders..." ''Analysis of Classes in Chinese Society", Selected Writings, Calcutta, pp 4-5. (emphasis added) 1 x Our suggestions on the assessment of the role of these two distinct classes are also derived from Mao Tse-tung. cf. "The Chinese Revolution and the Chinese Communist Party", Ibid., pp 39-41. i2 Hiren Gohain, op.cit.,? 24. is Ibid., p 17. i * Ibid. 16 Ibid., pp 18-19. it Ibid., p 14. 17 Ibid. 18 For a background of the approach and details in this note, the following works by Amalendu Guha are referred to: "The Moamaria Revolution: Was It a Class War?" Assam Tribune, Puja Supplement 1950;