RADICALISATION OF NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN ANDHRA 5 problem is the reduction of coolie rates to four annas (25 paise) for a day, whereas the real conversion of the wages in kind into cash would come to one rupee on the basis of existing commodity rates. The coollies show readiness to accept cash wage rates, provided they are paid on the basis of existing rates,, i.e., one rupee per day. The justification for the coolies' demand is provided by Sangadasu (younger son of Ramadasu of 'Mala Dasari* caste, whose members preach religion among Panchamas), who works in the house of landlord Chowdary, believes in the philosophy of non-violence and is ready to sacrifice everything to practise his views. He says: 'Labour is coolies' property and land is ryots' property. When he is getting higher rates for his commodities, should there not be a corresponding increase of price for coolies' commodity, i.e., labour?'8 Ramanayudu, the son of .landlord Chowdary (educated and a model of a typical Gandhian liberal nationalist landlord), also tries to help Sangadasu, by intervening on his behalf. This enrages the landlord. Meanwhile, Ramanayudu and Sangadasu go to attend a political meeting at Vijayawada. The author shows the urban links of the rural movements and also the spread of new political perceptions and ideologies among peasants living in the villages. Here the author explains his notion or theory of solving the untouchables' problems, by using the Gandhian non-violent 'consensus' philosophy. Interestingly, through the presidential speech the author takes a closer look at different ideological currents dominant in the world, with an eye to choose a path suitable to the specific Indian situation.9 This also explains the awareness of different contemporary political ideologies among the nationalist intelligentsia in Andhra in the 1920s and their firm commitment to foster the ideas conducive for bourgeois social development. He starts by denouncing the French and -American experiments, for they resulted in the establishment of a government dominated by capitalist interests which further oppressed the lower classes. For him the Italian experiment (Antonio Gramsci's factory council experiment)10 A was also a failure, because even though initially the workers occupied the factories of the capitalists, finally, both the classes compromised. Then he takes up the example of Russia, where, according to him, the Peoples' Soviet Government was established. Interestingly he devotes half the space in this section to discuss how the feudalism of the Tsarist regime, which oppressed the poor peasants, was smashed by the Bolsheviks; how the majority of the peasants were given control over the land under collectivised farming and so on. He sums up the main ideological principles of Lenin and Trotsky and the spirit of the Soviet experiment as :11 All have got equal right to enjoy the material resources of the nature; all should work and enjoy the fruits of their labour; when some were starving and suffering without food and clothes, others