Social Scientist. v 17, no. 188-89 (Jan-Feb 1989) p. 78.


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78 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

situations, by providing sustenance to people; increasing their dependence on kith and kin and thus the psychological attachment of people to the ideologies embodied in these structures. In the material existence of people the social roots of caste and community therefore remain as a powerful presence. Consciousness also will have a powerful ingredient of these and can be deflected at times into sectarianism.

Internationalisation of economy strengthens all these tendencies in the society. It strengthens, in the Indian conditions, the technologically most advanced sectors of the economy. International finance capital in production, as against that in trade, cannot but collaborate only with this sector leading to greater monopolisation of economy. Recent economic moves to liberalise the economy are going to strengthen these trends. Anti-imperialism has therefore to be an integral part of any effort to politically weaken and fight the hold of sectarian ideologies based on castes or religious communities.

Within this situation when landlords are a part of the ruling classes, they can play a role to strengthen such tendencies towards sectarianism out of all proportions to their economic strength or numerical status. Landlords control the reservoir of conservative forces in society. They are therefore also the constant potential divisive force. As allies of the bourgeoisie they can unleash pre-modern rentiments whether of caste or religions communities and regional chauvinism whenever their interests so require. If the bourgeoisie enjoys a socially privileged position, their alliance with landlords helps them to convert the privilege into political license. With landlords as important alliance partners, the ruling class itself is divided in its social composition by caste, religion, ethnic and such other features.

In the background of growing sectarian consciousness, as argued earlier, the actual nature of the spread of divisions in different regions suggests the extent of manipulative possibilities in politics.The social background of class interests is of far greater importance in the politics of third world countries than in the advanced capitalist societies. Nevertheless, what is important are the strong links between the most moden sectors of economy, imperialisnji and backward ideologies and consciousness.

Any search for renaissance in contemporary India can therefore be conceived only as a part of the socialist project, a revolutionary struggle in which the common man begins to take destiny into his hands. A social and economic situation like the one we confront, with its political compulsions, makes a search like Nehru's Discovery of India an almost impossible task today.



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