54 SOCIAL SCIENTIST Ajmal Khan keenly observes the relation between the decline and fall of knowledge or cultural systems Cthe sun of the Eastern arts and sciences') and political upheavals, and that the precondition of political assertion is cultural revitalisation. Barbara Metcalf points out that. Hakim Ajmal Khan's endeavour was one among many movements of cultural reasser-tion during the period. SCIENCE IN LATE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY EUROPE We shall now very briefly review the work done on the factors influencing the adoption of science as a cultural form in late eighteenth and early nineteenth century England. For in the comparative context, the dissonances and variations evident in the adoption of science in different geopolitical environments stands out clearly. One cannot deny that much of nineteenth century scientific discourse in India was a derivative one. This scientific discourse was imbued with themes and an ideology that had and were serving progressive aspirations in Europe. This was the ideology of science fortified with Baconian optimism. Hence the role and function science came to acquire in India was partly derived, and partly tailored to meet indigenous requirements. Early nineteenth century Europe continued to be nourished by the Enlightenment's faith in science, its hostility to institutionalised religion, and its predisposition for political reform11. Towards the end of the eighteenth century Issac Newton came to be the figurehead of the Enlightenment, and by 1784 about forty popular books were doing the rounds in Europe. As Hankins has pointed out, his name served as a sort of rallying cry for radical politics and social reform. Ironically, in the age of reason the 'pious and conservative Newton' Bernal writes, became a 'forerunner of the French revolution' [(1), p.23]. A number of studies of the cultural geography of science in late eighteenth century England, reveal how the new 'Natural Knowledge' and science in particular : seemed an appropriate, suitably distinct centre around, which a new, marginal group could build its own separate and progressivist philosophy and cultural system.12 Thackray goes on to establish why the members of the Manchester Literary aild Philosophical Society adopted the progressivist interpretations of science in terms that 'derived from their need to justify themselves', thereby affirming their commitment to a high culture [(12), p.682]. For Manchester society then, science was found to be rewarding on the following counts: its possibility as polite knowledge, as rational entertainment, as theological instruction, as professional occupation, as technological agent, as value transcendent pursuit, as intelletual ratifierofa new world order [(12), p.686]. Investigations of other scientific societies and the Mechanics Institutes in England during the period 178Q-1850 have similar results to offer. Inkster's study of the Askesian Society of London identifies the fac-