THE NEW DISPENSATION AND SCHOOL EDUCATION 75 centres are either fictitious or function erratically. There is no mechanism or commitment to ensure that they work. An instructor is expected to be motivated enough to work on a pittance. All that the NPE proposes to change in the situation is: 'Modern technological tools—such as solar packs for provision of power in NFE centres, audiovisual aids, radio cassette players—will be used. . .' (Programme of Action, p. 17) There is no attempt to grasp or grapple with the problems attending upon NFE. Under such conditions turning over the working children to nonformal sector is as good as washing one's hands of them. There is a more pernicious meaning behind this abdication of responsibility towards universalisation of education. The government now clearly sees a divide between children who have the leisure to attend school and children who have to work. The formal schools are for the former and the latter are left to fend for themselves. Abdication of responsibility for universalisation of education at this juncture is also an affirmation and an attempt to maintain social heirarchies and freeze social mobility generated by education. Today by and large formal education has reached out to vast majority of the middle classes and middle peasantry. The attempt now is to freeze the movement here. The real meaning of Operation Blackboard (O.B.) can be understood in this context. The sudden injection of massive funds into primary schools to provide for basic minimum needs (building, 2 teachers per school, equipment, toys, books, etc.) is in itself highly welcome. After all these schools have been starved of any funds all these years making a mockery of primary education. Yet it is also a clear statement by the government that it will spend only on children with leisure. The much publicized Navodaya Schools also are likewise an abdication of (responsibility towards the majority of middle school children. The creation of heavily funded model schools for a microscopic minority of so called 'bright* children of the district is at the same time an open declaration that the government cannot and will not provide access to decent education to the multitude of middle school children. Here again we have creation and affirmation of heirarchies and controlling mobility generated by education. We will now have 'bright* children graduating from Navodaya schools enjoying premium over the 'not so bright' brethren in the market for higher education and employment, much the same way as the public school almuni. The school education system had to wait for 40 years to be favoured with such massive investment of funds. Now the funds are available, but they will be used not to eliminate discrimination and hierarchy in education, but to further intensify them. In a sense the programme of universalisation of education has reached its 'natural limits' under existing social conditions. Having covered children of the upper classes, the middle and lower middle class and to a large extent the middle peasants the educational system