2 SOCIAL SCIENTIST more accurately, underdevelopment, and the manipulation of religious sentiments by the ruling classes are rightly emphasised, without, however, divorcing the class perspective from 'the rich diversity of contemporary Indian social reality*. Consequently, Randhir Singh's prescription for combating communalism is not limited to mere ideological struggle, but integrating it with 'the Indian people's broader struggle against the ruling classes, against their economy, politics, ideology, culture, etc., a struggle against the present economic and social order and for socialism.' Crucial to the growth of communal forces and their ability to exploit religious divisions for political advantage is the attitude of the state. In this context there appears to be a continuity between the colonial and post-colonial states in India. While the colonial and post-colonial states were not inherently communal, they did not refrain from manipulating communal antagonisms for immediate political gains. To both communal riots were a law and order problem and hence they intervened, though not always promptly, impartially and decisively, to quell the riots. At the same time both the colonial and post-colonial states encouraged and abetted communal politics. The attitude of the post-colonial state towards communalism has been vacillatory, accommodating and compromising. The main concern of C.P. Bhambri's essay is the 'weak secularism' of the Indian state and its 'strategy of manipulating and compromising with communalism by surrendering its secular ideology*. Zoya Hasan, on the other hand, explores in detail the departures of the state from the secular ideal. Discussing the Muslim Women's Bill and the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute, she demonstrates how the state surrendered to the pressure of religious fundamentalists. The policies, programmes and goals of communal parties are structured around communal ideology; their raison d'etre^ as Bipan Chandra argues, is communal ideology. Religion is their organising principle and their goals are^defined in religious terms. For mobilising support they invoke religious issues and appeal to religious sentiments. The Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha during the pre-independence period and the Jan Sangh, Bharatiya Janata Party, Muslim League and Akali Dal during the post-independence period are examples of such parties. For instance, the BJP equates Indian nationalism with Hindu nationalism and adopts methods of mobilisation to appeal to Hindu religious sentiments. The Ram Shila Puja and Rath Yatra are part of this attempt. However, the use of religion and communalism for gaining electoral support has not been confined to communal parties alone. Even those parties with a strong secular past like the Indian National Congress have succumbed to communalism in order to tide over political crises. Till the late sixties the Congress drew upon the legacy of the national movement and the charisma of Jawaharlal Nehru for electoral success. When these appeals had worn out Indira Gandhi had resorted to