20 SOCIAL SCIENTIST tactical importance in the struggle against communalism. Nevertheless, on the basis of what we already know, it is possible to hazard the generalisation that the spread or heightening of communalism and related phenomena like religious revivalism, fundamentalism, or obscurantism, is in direct proportion to the depth of the crisis in Indian polity and politics of the ruling classes on the one hand and in inverse proportion to the presence or power of the left or class-based people's politics on the other. This generalisation, even as it indicates the correct path of struggle against communalism, is also suggestive of an entirely different kind of possibility. With the deepening socio-economic and moral crisis which has sharpened all the conflicts and contradictions within, and the increasing inaptitude of the rulers whose opportunist practice only ends up creating new problem while turning the old ones into running sores, Indian society and politics are steadily sliding into anarchy and authoritarian or mafia ways. In such a situation, communalism may well come to contribute to the rise of a specifically Indian form of fascism. Years ago Nehru had feared such a possibility and warned against it. Today the possibility is being recognised as a real threat by an increasing number of thoughtful people. But, almost invariably, the threat is also being misinterpreted. For the concept which has gained currency in this regard is 'Hindu-fascism'; at other times it is 'Hindu communalism' which is spoken of as 'nascent' or 'impending' fascism in India. Such conceptualisation or linguistic practice is not only misleading, it is also harmful to the cause of struggle against both communalism and the possible emergence of fascist authoritarianism in India. At an obvious empirical level, 'Hindu fascism' as a concept ignores the role of communalism as a whole in the growing fascisation of Indian society. This is not to deny 'the major threat' that comes from 'majority communalism', or the reality of discrimination the minorities suffer and the need to fight it, or their obviously greater stake in the secular character of Indian polity, etc, etc. But all this does not justify overlooking the very real contribution 'minority communalism' of various hues is making to the daily deteriorating situation in our country. Furthermore, with its implicit treatment of Hindus as one undifferentiated mass, this concept virtually makes a gift of all those who regard themselves as Hindus to the communal politics of the ruling classes. It certainly makes it that much more difficult to help these Hindus understand—and vast masses of our poor and oppressed are among them—not only that Hinduism, like any other religion today, has no answers to the myriad problems they daily face and share with the rest of the common Indian people, but also that, if and when such a fascism arrives, while it will certainly mean an added oppression for the minorities, they, as Hindus, will not be its