COMMUNALISM AND THE STRUGGLE AGAINST COMMUNALISM 21 beneficiaries—they too will be, like most other ordinary Indians, its victims, only their number, as Hindus, will be the largest among them. It should also not be forgotten that if there will be something 'Hindu* about Indian fascism, it is likely to have a great deal more of 'nationalism* about it to give it the necessary thrust and legitimacy. Not 'Hindu communalism' but Hinduised nationalism is going to be part of its ideological mask. In our times fascism has often arrived in a typical alliance with chauvinistic nationalism—and there is no dearth of such nationalism in our country today. Its rhetoric has already become almost unbearable. To speak of 'Hindu fascism' is to prevent recognition of this most important ideological dimension of the present as well as future fascfsation of life and politics in contemporary India. The most important problem with this concept however is that utterly empiricist in registering what is apparent or most visible, it misses out on all the significant interconnections involved and has no explanatory value at all. Privileging 'Hindu communalism' for almost exclusive attention or analysis, as fact, ideology or anything else, it completely obscures what is most important in understanding or explaining any possible rise of fascism in India—its class-basis, the system of class-relations within which it is likely to develop and function, the class role it will be called upon to perform, etc. etc. As a product of the crisis in Indian polity and ruling class politics, fascism in India, whenever it comes and whatever the ideological mask, will be another, explicitly authoritarian, form of the rule of the dominant, exploiting classes, just as, in another setting, 'democratic-secular' is the preferred form. It will be a new method to realise the old policies, centred on maintaining the existing class exploitative structure of Indian society. The concept of 'Hindu fascism' simply fails to grasp this vital truth. Needless to add, such a denouement of ruling class politics in India would indeed be a tragedy for the Indian people—the worst in a long list so far. It needs to be opposed and fought against by all means and at all costs. It can and must be averted. But the beginning of wisdom and the possibility of a successful fight here, as in the fight against communalism, lies in recognising that, especially in recent years, the ruling class politics, while preserving the organised structures of exploitation "and oppression in India, has been producing only tragedies for the Indian people. Punjab, and now Kashmir are only the most obvious examples—there are and shall be many more. It is time we are 'nationalist' or 'patriotic' enough to have more faith in our own ruling classes. Today they are fully self-reliant— they can produce all the tragedies they need for the Indian people, by themselves. They don't have to depend upon imperialism, etc.—not for this at any rate.