64 SOCIAL SCIENTIST the Congress have generally suffered from the complex that to do any work exclusively among or for the Muslims, whatever its nature, was an act of communalism and should therefore be avoided'. Destiny of Indian Muslims/ p. 141. 37. See my Nationalism and Communal Politics in India, 1885-1930 (Delhi, 1991), and A Nationalist Conscience: M.A. Ansari, the Congress and the Raj (Delhi, 1987). 38. Maulana Asrarul Haque Qasimi, The Community in Retrospect (Delhi, n.d.), p.l. After its fourteenth session in May 1945, the Jamiyat held its annual sessions in 1948 and 1949 under the leadership of Maulana Husain Ahmad Madani. However, its next meeting was not held until February 1955. It is not clear to me why this was so. 39. Faruqi, op.dt., p. 144. 40. Qasimi, The Community in Retrospect, pp. 2-3. Qasimi rejected the Jamaat-i Islami's slogan of Hukumat-i Ilahiya as 'a baseless optimism with which the sentimental section of the Muslims were befooled'. 41. Faruqi, op.dt., p. 144. 42. Qasimi, op.dt., p. 7. 43. Presidential Address delivered by Maulana S. Asad Madani, M.P. (Member of Parliament), Bombay, 14-16 January 1963 (Delhi, n.d.), p. 5. 44. Theodore Wright, Jr. 'Muslim Legislators in India: Profile of a Minority Elite', Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 23, 1963-64, p. 259. 45. Charles J. Adams, 'The Ideology of Mawlana Moududi', in Smith (ed.). South Asian Politics and Religion, p. 376. 46. The Jamaat daimed in 1959 to have 183 local units and a membership of 1,318. Introducing the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Quoted in Brass, op.dt., p. 241. It owned two papers—the Dawat in Urdu and the Radiance (though not officially) in English. 47. Such views were echoed in India after Independence. See, Mohammad Mazhar-ud-din Siddiqi, After Secularism What (Rampur: Maktaba-i Jammat-i Islami Hind, 1952). His views are reproduced in Mushirul Hasan, 'In Search of Identity and Integration: Indian Muslims since Independence', Third World Quarterly (London), vol. 10, no.2, April 1988, p. 821. 48. This is an oft-quoted extract from Moududi's speech. Research on the Jamaat-i Islami is wanting in many respects, though one can still turn to the researches of Adams, Leonard Binder and Kalim Bahadur for background information. Their writings, however, fail to make full use of the vast corpus of Jamaat literature and provide limited insights into the organizational structures. 49. Quoted in Theodore P. Wright, Jr. 'Inadvertent Modernization of Indian Muslims by Revivalists', Journal Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs (Jeddah), vol. 1, no. 1, May 1979, p. 86. And the view that 'secularism as a state policy which implies that there should be no discrimination or partiality on the basis of religious belief can hardly be questioned. The Jamaat has categorically stated that in the present circumstances it wants the secular form of Government to continue'. Quoted in Mushirul Haq, Islam in Secular India (Shimla, 1972), p. 11. It is suggested by writers that the Jamaat's aim of attaining the Hukumat-i Illahiya was dropped around 1962 in favour of 'Establishment of Deen' (religion). It is not clear why was this done and who were the individuals or groups responsible for this significant shift. 50. While giving, so to speak, a clean chit to the Jamaat, Wright has ignored the fact that ideology and policy positions are as important as 'behaviour', the theme of Wright's paper. In any case, the content analysis of the Jamaat's Dawat is hardly a satisfactory way of arriving at any meaningful conclusion. See Wright, 'Inadvertent Modernization', pp. 84-85. 51. Theodore P. Wright, Jr. 'National Integration and Modern Judidal Procedure in India: The Dar-us-Salam Case', Asian Survey, vol. 6, no. 12, December 1966, p. 678. 52. Mushirul Hasan, 'In Search of Identity and Integration', op.dt., pp. 824-25. 53. Imtiaz Ahmad, 'The Muslim Electorate and the Election Alternatives in UP', Religion and Society, vol. 21, no. 2, June 1974, S.V. Kogekar and Richard L. Park (eds.). Reports on the Indian General Elections 1951-52 (Bombay, 1956), p. 163.