VARNA IDEOLOGY AND SOCIAL CHANGE 47 functional theory of the origin of the four varnas. The notion of the panchama varna , although floated, could not take deep roots owing to its lack of scriptural sanction in the Purusha-sukta hymn. But the theory of the origin of numerous castes of varying statuses from the inter-mixing of the varnas was found more useful; as in shifting the emphasis from the occupational criterion to the question of the degree of purity-impurity arising out of the union of the original founder-parents, it allowed much scope for the placement of the newly enrolled communities in an hierarchical manner commensurate with their material condition. Thus, those who were deemed bom of approved anuloma order following the rules of hypergamy had a 'pure* status and those who were the children of the disapproved hypogamous pratiloma unions were impure. It should be noted that the impurity did not arise from impure occupations; rather, those who were bom of impure unions, that is those who had an impure birth were condemned to follow impure occupations. Thus the theory buttressed the caste patriarchies and reinforced the hereditary nature of the hierarchical social structure. It is only in a situation of such shift in the varna theory that the Reddy kings of Andhra could take pride in being shudras having been bom from the feet of Vishnu17 and in the Akkalapundi grant, the panegyrist of Singaya Nayak could claim that the shudra varna was purer than the other three varnas, as it was bom along with the river Bhagirathi (from the feet of Vishnu)! Modem industry has replaced the petty mode of production which favoured craft-exclusiveness on a non*competitive basis. It has eroded the notions of hierarchy of castes, untouchability taboos on inter-dining, etc., at least in the urban areas where its impact is felt. But the prohibition on inter-caste marriage is still practised widely as this element of the caste system is not in conflict with the capitalist mode of production. On the contrary, endogamy almost invariably means arranged marriages on considerations of wealth, power and status and as such is well-impregnated with the capitalist value system. As a matter of fact in some aspects the strength of the caste has even increased in modem times and caste ideology may be said to be undergoing another transformation. It has been pointed out that the traditional jajmani type of personal exchange relationships between the various castes of a village are now being increasingly replaced by the contractual, pecuniary and impersonal relationships under the influence of the capitalist market forces, with the result that in times of adversity one has to depend on the members of one's own caste to provide group-support. The present day politics too allows the elite of a caste to exploit the caste-consciousness of their castemen in order to compete with the elite groups of other castes and communities for political power. Thus caste ideology gains strength both for political and economic reasons in spite of the fact that there are increasing differentiations of wealth and status of individuals within each caste.