Social Scientist. v 20, no. 232-33 (Sept-Oct 1992) p. 14.


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14 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

12. R.W. Symonds in Singer, et al. (ed.), History of Technology, II, p. 242n. The terms 'male and female* (nar ma dagi) are indeed, applied to the bolt of a block in Bahar-i 'Ajam, of Tek Chand, 1739, S.V. narmadagi.

13. Tarikh-i Akbari, p. 45.

14. A'in-i Akbari, ed. Blochmann, I, p. 101.

15. Ibid., pp. 103-4.

16. 'Abdiil' Baqi Nihawandi, Ma'asir-i Rahimi, ed. M. Hidayet Hosain, Calcutta, 1919-31,111, pp. 980, 986

17. Ibid., p. 1659.

18. A'in-i Akbari, ed. Blochmann, I, pp. 103-4. The sense is lost in Blochmann's rendering: 'His Majesty had given the order to dye it in various ways' (tr., I, p. 97), as if it was a mere question of fashion. The verb is barsakht, made, not 'ordered'.

19. A'in-i Akbari, ed. Blochmann, II, p. 6

20. Bahar-i 'A/am, s.v. Khaskhana: 'Hut made of khas in which people sit in summer, and this fragrant khas [or grass] and such hut are peculiar to India'. The poets quoted are: Qubul, Hakim Sadiq, and Mulla Abu'l Barkat Munir.

21. In the collection of 'Heart-ravishing Sayings of His Majesty' at the end of the A'in-i Akbari, II, p. 241: 'When we experimented with saltpetre, it turned out that attachment to salt [i.e. loyalty] is also to be found in water.'

22. A'in-i Akbari, I, p. 51: II, p. 6.

23. A'in-i Akbari, I, p. 51. Blochmann's translation of this passage (tr., I, p. 58) is accurate. One man of Akbar's time was equal to 55-32 Ib. avdp.

24. The earliest I have noted is Peter Mundy (1632) (The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia. II, ed. R.C. Temple, London, 1914, p. 77). See also Francois Bernier, (1664), Travels in the Mogul Empire, 1656-58, tr. A. Constable, Rev. V.A. Smith, London, 1916, pp. 356-7, and John Marshall (1671). John Marshall in India—Notes and Observations in Bengal, 1668-72, ed. S.A. Khan. London, 1927, pp. 428-9).

25. For these see R.J. Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology, VI, Leiden, 1966, p. 105. I had drawn attention to this precedence in 'Changes in Technology in Medieval India', Studies in History, New Delhi, II (i) (1980), p. 38.

26. Baburnama, Abdur's Rahim's Persian transl., Br. Mus. or. 3174, f. 314b; tr. A.S. Beveridge, London, 1921,1, p. 388..

27. Ibid., Or. 3174, ft. 376b-377a; tr. A.S. Beveridge, II, pp. 486-7.

28. Cf. S.P. Verma, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar's Court, New Delhi, 1978, p. 109: the arrow indicating direction in diagram in Plate XLVII (Nos. 14 and 15) needs to be revised.

29. Ain-i Akbari, ed. Blochmann, I, p. 199.

30. Br. Mus. Or. 12208, ff. 65a. 99b.

31. Reginald Heber, Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of India, <& c., II, London, 1873, p. 15.

32. Edmund W. Smith. Moghul Architecture at Fatehpur Sikri, Allahabad, 1896, Part II, pp. 19, 32-^1, 38-40.

33. Badauni, Muntakhabu't Tawarikh, ed. Ali, Ahmad and Lees, Calcutta, 1864-69, II, p. 321.

34. Tabaqat-i Akbari, ed. B. De, Calcutta, 1913-35, II, p. 457. The phrase sar mi shud, should ordinarily be taken to mean 'fired', and this leads Alvi and Rahman, pp. 30-31 to conjecture that a 'wheel-lock' is here involved. A single wheel-lock could not fire 10 guns at a time. Leaving this aside, if the guns were fired when placed around a big wheel, they would all point in different directions, which would be of no use.

35. Ain-i Akbari, ed. Blochmann, I, pp. 126,199.

36. M.A. Alvi and A. Rahman, Fathullah Shirazi, a Sixteenth Century Indian Scientist, New Delhi, 1968, esp. pp. 4, 30-32.



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