AKBAR AS REFLECTED IN THE CONTEMPORARY JAIN LITERATURE 59 stomach be the tomb of animals*. According to the contemporary Muslim historians Abul Fazi as well Al Baduoni Badshah developed an aversion for animal food. Akbar also appreciated the Jain doctrine of Karma or action which caused man's happiness or unhappiness and not the God the cause. The emperor also began to question the validity of the Islamic tenets of revelations, resurrection and the day of judgement.16 Lastly, Jains used Akbar as a great cementing force to arrest too much polarisation and diversification within the Jain religious order. They eagerly aspired for royal patronage and interlocking of state and religion which they lost during sultanate period on two counts. Firstly, they wanted to highten their status and raise their leverage with the local provincial authorities at whose hands they suffered lot. The Moghul officials were keen to arrest Jain Pontiffs on slightest pretext either on charge of forceful conversion or enlisting the child for diksha—acceptance of ascetism or responsible for creating natural calamities. As a result, when Akbar invited Suri through proper channels of the viceroy of Ahmedabad, Shitabkhan and also through Jain Sangh or congregation of Agra, it was hailed by the Jains with tumultous ovation.17 It provided feedback to their honour and prestige. Secondly they also wanted to use their relationship with the Mughal court as a binding force to unite the warring sections. Akbar himself proved instrument in providing common platform by granting similar concessions to Tapa Gachha and Khartar Gachehha sections to use the hills of Rajputana, Bengal and Gujarat as common places for pilgrimage. March, 1594 was the red-letter date for Jains. Under the able leadership of Suri the Jains from Punjab, Bengal Rajputana and Gujarat gathered at Santrunjaya.18 From the Moghuls side also the equilibrium was well maintained in between their relationship with the Jains. The adventurous emperor had very little time for esoteric discussions with the Jains. Even then he insisted on continued presence of Jain ascetics at his court to seek the support of Jains—Shravakas who were master businessmen rich and prosperous. They had always provided to the state the men, money and resources.19 The transference from literature to history does raise the issue of methodology but the exercise is worth it. NOTES AND REFERENCES 1. Deva Vimal Gani, Hira Saubhagya Mahakavya (1590); Padmasagar, Jagat Guru Mahakavya (1590) Santichandra Upadhyay, Krupa Rasa Kosh (1586); Siddhichandra, Bhanuchandra Cani Contra; Hrushbhadeva, Hira Vijay Rasa (1629); Dharma Sagar, Tapa Gachehha Pattavali (1590); Jinachandra Suri, Akbar Pratibodh Rasa (1592) Jayasomagani, Shri Karma Chandra Caritra