20 SOCIAL SCIENTIST currency and poor performance in international trade including its direction and composition. Whereas some of the criticisms are quite correct, yet these did not emphasize the issues which were paramount to insiders in socialism. Let us take the case of Poland. After the debacle of the Gierek plan with WOG, the Big Economic Organisation which has not the case so much in the Soviet Union and other East European countries with DSOs in Bulgaria, WBs in GDR (new type of vertically combined organisation). Industrial Centrals in Rumania, Production Economic Units (PEUs) in Czechoslovakia and 'Establishments' in Hungary. In Poland, in spite of decentralisation in the management with only two synthetic plan indicators with no obligatory tasks, an economic crisis could not be averted in spite of these and the existence of some form of market mechanism. During the agitation led by the Solidarity, the demand was not for 'more markets' but for 'socio-economic rationality', a concept which became extremely important sometimes with a different name in the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries over the years. It was also believed at this time (in the very early eighties), that Praxeology, instead of being the science of purposive individual action in a competitive world as envisaged by some leading members of the 'Austrian School of Economies' should become the science of collective purposive action in socialism.1 But, in order to achieve this, according to Krawozyk, an important theoretician of Solidarity, 'all the affairs of the society have to be managed by the society and not by a small group of people who inhale the 'air at the top' and do not have the competence to understand the real issues'.2 According to another spokesman, 'We consider that in the present situation there is no problem which is strictly economic, even when it is a question of technical or immediate matters. Everything indeed which concerns the organisation and the development of the economy leads inevitably to a change of social relations'.3 Again, The state apparatus must step aside with all its organs and instruments of enforcement including the party and the official trade unions, so that the workers' collective gets a genuine chance to participate effectively in purposive economic actions'.4 More perhaps is not necessary to understand the concerns of the 'insiders' in socialism. From every quarter the need for the reconsideration of the age-old idea on 'relations of production* was emphasized and this became the most prominent issue in the eighties in socialism. From the above it might appear that the demand in Poland was for a Hungarian type of NEM (New Economic Management) and/or 'Self-management' model of Yugoslavia. General Jaruzelski should at least be given credit for understanding this because in the aftermath of intense chaos, he introduced reform measures which were a combination of both types by his own admission. In Hungary, on the other hand, after a decade of NEM many became disillusioned with the divergence between expectation and