68 SOCIAL SCIENTIST Our primary focus is on the nature of empirical data collected by him for the analysis of political change in Guntur district. Focussing primarily on the role of the caste factor, Kohli argues that 'divisions along caste and party lines' is the dominant characteristic of politics in Guntur in the 1980s (p. 75). He says that the Telugu Desam Party is mainly an alliance of Kammas and backward castes and the Congress an alliance of Reddis and scheduled castes. A brief account of the caste and political party profile of Guntur would help the reader to understand the argument better. Kamas, Reddis and Kapus are three dominant peasant castes in the area. While the dominance of the Kamma and Reddi castes has a long history, the Kapus' emergence to the status of dominant caste is a phenomenon of the last decade.1 The exact numerical strength of these castes is not available. Based on the 1921 census ^and estimates provided by the local observers, Kohli suggests the following figures: Kammas are 18 to 20 per cent and Reddis about 9 to 10 percent.2 Brahmins are not more than 5 per cent. Many castes that are considered to be backward castes constitute about 40 per cent. These are highly heterogeneous with as many as 25 castes. SCs and tribes comprise less than 15 per cent as do the Muslims and Christians individually (p. 62). The estimates of Kapus are not provided by the author; they constitute 3-4 per cent of the district population.3 The Kammas are the most dominant socio-economic group and are spread all over the district. They control the majority of the land in the district. They are more enterprising than the other peasant castes (p. 75). Being the largest single caste group coupled with a dominant socio-economic position, the Kammas have been playing a very significant role in district politics. Reddis and Kapus who are concentrated in a few pockets also play an important role.4 The Congress Party and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) are the two major political forces in the district. The Communist Parties also have some support but their position has declined compared to their position in the 1950s (p. 83, Table 4.3). In the 1950s, the United Communist Party, the CPI, was the main contender to the Congress.5 As the Communist Party lost much of its support base by the late 1960s, the Congress became the dominant political force in district politics till the emergence of TDP in 1983 in state politics (p. 87). The TDP swept the polls both in the 1983 and 1985 elections. However, in the 1987 local body elections and the 1989 Assembly elections the TDP lost its dominant position. Since 1983, the main competition has been between the TDP and Congress. Any explanation focussing mainly on the caste factor does not reveal much about the dynamics of politics in Guntur district. In fact, the real picture of caste and party linkages is different from what Kohli has presented in his book. Kohli takes three variables to substantiate his argument: the social background of respective party elites, the pattern