Social Scientist. v 22, no. 248-49 (Jan-Feb 1994) p. 94.


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94 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

69. Six types are quoted from the Vasisthsmriti: those who set fire, poison, steal money, grab land, kill or abduct women. Atatayees were to be killed without a second thought according to a quote from the Manusmriti

70. PS 209/1947.

71. 30 November 1946.1 am grateful to Raza Sami for the translation.

72. Ibid.,

73. Ibid., 15 December 1946.

74. The last mentioned point refers to instances when Muslims were killed by Hindus who had promised protection.

75. Ghosh, 'Bihari Muslims in Dhaka'.

76. BLAD, 12 February 1947, p. 572 is a representative example.

77. See Veena Das, introduction, for an account of the post-Partition perception of the image of the raped woman in rationalizing the masculinist avenging of violence thrugh violence on surrogate victims, ed. Veena Das Horrors of Violence: Communities ^ Riots and Survivors (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990) pp. 26-8

78. Ghosh, 'Shuddhi, Sangathan and Swaraj".

79. 11 June 1947. Savarkar and Joshi ed. Historic Statements, p. 199.

80. B.S. Moonje Papers, Statement No. 108.

81. 2 April 1947, Savarkar and Joshi ed.. Historic Statements, p. 194.

82. 24 January 1950, Ibid., p. 228. Recently, Kalyan Singh, ex-U.P. chief minister (in an interview) commented that the concept of akhand Bharat had not been understood fully in the 1940s. It would however, be achieved in '2 or 500 or 1000 years' BBC, Hindi Service, 22 April 1993. Another recent sample, is Ramesh Patange, 'It may please be noted that it took only five hours for the angry Hindus to bring down the 450 years old brick structure of lime and mortar (in Ayodhya). May be it takes a little longer to uproot the pernicious weed that is the 72 years old 'Hindi' nationalism.' 'End of Hindi Nationalism', Organiser, 10 January 1993.

83. 2 April 1947, Savarkar and Joshi ed.. Historic Statements, p. 194, Briefly the hostage theory meant that Muslims would be protected in Hindu majority provinces only if Hindus were protected likewise in muslim majority provinces.

84. See for example, Gerard Heuze, 'Shiv Sena and 'National' Hinduism", Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 27, No. 41, (10 October 1992); Tapan Basu, et. al, Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1993).

85. Christophe Jaffrelot, 'Hindu Nationalism: Strategic Syncretism in Ideology Building', Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 28, No. 12-13, (20-27 March 1993), pp. 517, 519-21.

86. This issue is discussed at length in Papiya Ghosh, 'Contesting the Sharif: The Momin Conference—Muslim League Interface in Bihar, 1938-47, presented at the Joshi—Adhikari Institute of Social Studies, New Delhi, seminar on 'Caste and Class in India', 4 April 1992.

87. As is evident, among other things, from proverbs such as 'Sheikh laye lathi, pathan hhagay ghar' and 'Khaye gadha, aur maar khaye julaha. The implication is that the Sheikhs perceived the Pathans as cowards who turn tail and flee and that Julahas get beaten as frequently as donkeys.

88. Papiya Ghosh, unpublished manuscript on the organisational breakthrough of the Muslim League in the late 1930s.

89. See Kumkum Sangari, 'Consent, Agency and Rhetorics of Incitement', for an analysis of the contemporary invocation of women's agency in the cause of Hindu rashtra, the display of all Hindu women as past and future victims of sexual violation and the equation of male sexual honour with the (pi ejected) Hindu rashtra. She also mentions the need to pay attention to the question of men's consent and the determination of men by patriarchal structures. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 28, No. 18 (May 1993), p. 880. My paper attempts to juxtapose invocations of men's and women's agency during the two decades under review.



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