Social Scientist. v 25, no. 288-289 (May-June 1997) p. 79.


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BOOK REVIEW 79

establishing Agriculture-Industry, linkage. Industrialisation, naturally required increased food supplies and a clear food-price policy. Increase in food supply and low food price were quite necessary.

Nehru's concept of Science and Technology for agriculture was subject to his industrialisation strategy. He felt that a rational organisation of the agrarian structure could with affordable science was quite enough for agricultural transformation. Research and extension were enthusiastically welcomed. There were few institutions of agricultural sciences setup in the country. There was also the collaboration with the American Agricultural Sciences from 1951 onwards. In spite of all these, the entire period did not show any marked improvement in the food production levels. It remained almost stagnant. Nehru's disappointment is evident when he said in the Parliament in August 1963: 'I am . . . naturally disappointed at many things, more especially at our performance in Agriculture. ... it is not because of the blame I am saying this, but ultimately the solution depends on the farmer—the actual cultivator.'

The present work by Ashutosh Varshney analyses the political economy of policy change when International agencies like World Bank, the U.S. government and few other private foundations were involved in this change, by mid 1960s. However the agricultural policy changes were largely due to the newly appointed Minister for Food and Agriculture, C. Subrahmanyam. His agrarian model had three main components: the economic, technological and organisational. But interest in the Indian rural side was not organised enough in the 1950s and 1960s. The battle for policy was mainly fought between political leaders who had different visions of the agrarian economy and who also led different groups in the ruling Congress party.

The manner in which 1970s marks a turning point for rural India is highlighted in this study in its macro level. The rise of new agrarian force as represented by peasant leaders like Charan Singh is noticeable. A clear clevage of rural versus urban India appears in Indian politics from then on. But in 1980s the peasant leaders developed a substantial mass base that included all classes of landed peasants and in few cases even landless agricultural labourers. Sharad Joshi, for example, stood as a stratagist in rural mobilisation.

The rising power of the peasantry, the technical changes, the income distribution in the society, the fiscal burden of the farm subsidies on the government are some of the factors which condition the farm incomes in India. It is an irony that the rising rural power in party and non-party politics has not resulted in the incresed participation of such power in state institutions. Pressure on state or fiscal priorities have not drastically increased in favour of the rural sector. Though India's countryside acquired substantial power after independence, there have been several constraints for its steady



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