2 g SOCIAL SCIENTIST The idea of fascism as an international, 'universal' movement with its centre in Germany goes back to 1933 when Hitler became Chancellor of Germany. This event sustained fascists financially and ideologically in several countries of the world. Hitler's Government gave the illusion of stability to those who were affected by the slump. It first eliminated the left labour movement, then on the basis of the Fascist theory of race it set up concentration camps and systematically killed those who were declared to be members of alien races: Gypsies, Jews, blacks, political enemies, those who were defined as a burden on society, the disabled and the handicapped. Fascism had a different shape in various countries, in Italy, in Portugal, in Spain, in Austria and in Hungary. But all of them could be characterized by an element of old-style reactionary conservatism combined with enthusiasm for tools of technological modernity, complete disdain for formal or informal democrats institutions, like Parliaments, elected bodies and leaders, and the vigilance of police, prisons and armed forces on permanent alert for internal and external enemies. Fascism was a failure of freedom and democracy because it could secure the support of large sections of the bourgeois middle class who were considered to be the chief bearers of these values and the main support of liberal-democratic institutions in the 19th century.1 It evolved a mechanism to win over sections of society appealing to their ideal of national community and the Past, using tradition, history and literature and promising future greatness through territorial expansion, through military conquest. Part of the mechanism of appropriation is the abuse of biological and technical achievements,specially of Darwinian theory and the Indo-European linguistic theory of Max Mueller. Using some elements of these theories a Fascist hierarchy of races was constructed, declaring the German as the ruling race and claiming a right to decide about the survival of others. Fascism today employs similar mechanisms of appropriation of history, of national and religious community and genetic theory. This is why Lukacs' work on the Fascist appropriation of the German intellectual tradition is specially relevant for us now.Lukacs responded to Fascism with an urgency, as an ideological problem which has to be fought at all levels of polemics. He also kept in mind the analysis of Fascism in the perspective of his philosophical project. The task of philosophy, as he identified it, is "in the fact that it expresses concretely and dynamically the possibilities of the given concrete developmental stage of humankind (showing up future perspectives)."2 In the 1920s and 30s the international communist movement adopted different strategies of dealing with Fascism and Lukacs' analysis of concrete situations and strategy sometimes differed from or came into collusion with the line which the Communist International adopted. This paper deals with the three phases of Lukacs' work on Fascism, which also coincide with three