NOTES 49 region and from country to country. These experiences pooled together ' bring out many policy conclusions of profound importance in chartering the ship of anti-imperialism in the proper direction, that is, the accomplishment of fundamental changes in the socio-economic and cultural milieu without floundering on the rocks of neo-colonialism under the guise of philanthropic humanitarianism. There seems to be no difference of opinion on the hideous nature of present-day imperialism and the categorical imperative9 of obliterating it from human society. But the story is very different when the distinguished participants come to assess the role to be played by different classes in social transformations^ It is in this context that one can make the accusation of patent intellectual dishonesty which implies a critical spirit without the capacity of bearing the risks arising from logically correct conclusions. This is reflected in a sort of wishful thinking where ugly realities are safely ignored under the cover of an imaginary progressive role for the exploiting classes, by extolling their professed goocT intentions vis-a-vis imperialism. Experiences given by some other scholars indicate that these exploiting clases are not attempting to overthrow the 'colonial structure9 and improve the lot of the people. Andre Gujoder-^ Frank in his paper "Imperialism-Nationalism and Class Struggle in Latin America" reviews the relationship that the US has developed with the continent as a whole. He analyses the "development of underdevelopment55 and the accompanying changes in economic and class structure of Latin America. With the help of data published by the U S Department of Commerce and the U N Economic Commission for Latin America, he establishes that Latin America is making a contribution to the financing o f development of the USA and other industrialised countries and that inspit6 of all their nationalistic and anti-US professions, the Latin American bourgeoisie cannot do anything effective because of their financial and technological dependence on the USA. It manifests itself not only in production techniques, but also has negative effects on the domestic industrial and economic structure in Latin America. Because it leaves the choice of the products and the materials, equipment and technology used increasingly to foreign discretion, it is exercised in terms of the growth and profit desires of foreign multi-national monopolies. Thus it would appear that while contradictions do occur between the junior and senior partners, both are committed to the system of imperialism and its maintenance in the face of a socialist alternative. Frank further points out that "the distribution of income is the consequence of the class structure and policy, just as the latter is the consequence of the colonial structure'5. That these factors reinforce each other is clearly illustrated by the fact that in Spanish colonial period the great inequality in the ditributlon of income at home induced the Latin American bourgeoisie to invest and spend the surplus expropriated to strengthen the colonial ties with the metropolis and thereby to develop underdevelopment. According to him, the distribution of income is becoming increasingly more unequal as a result of the development of ever more