SOCIAL SCIENTIST possible if the survey had taken a more formal structure wherein strangers were treated as samples. Here, we attempted to use networks of friends, family neighbourhood, ciub or exercise class, all milieux we were ourselves part of, and as participants in various strands of the women's movement, areas we operated in among and with other women who may or may not have subscribed to our views. This was required by the rationale for the survey itself, as we were attempting to probe the images and ideas regarding feminists and feminisms that had become part of popular currency through dissemination by the popular media. In this paper, I have only concentrated on television advertisements as a genre, though the survey questionnaire did not restrict itself to television but included the print media and different popular print genres as well as media personalities. There were at least two such responses, both in Bangla, that directly engaged with our alleged insensitivity to 'real' women's voices. While it is easy to argue that two out of five hundred is rather insignificant a number to be concerned with, the more subtle and indirect responses of a similar nature, not always documented in the response sheet, had been partially anticipated. The second phase of the project will be to hold discussion groups where more detailed exchange about these issues can be undertaken. We had requested names and addresses from respondents who wanted to interact further on these issues, and we plan to use these as take-off points to address this apparent divide between feminists/academics and 'real' women. I use this phrase to refer to a set of practices and ideas underpinning them which allow women in different social locations to make sense of their own experience. See J.K. Cowan, "Being a Woman in Greece: similarity and Difference Reconsidered" in N. Charles and R Hughes-Freeland Practicing Feminism, London, Routledge, 1996, p.61-85.