SOCIAL SCIENTIST but always denied in practice; and that it could not be otherwise because the 'Declaration' itself guaranteed inequality when it guaranteed the right to property. Paraphrasing Article 16 of the Constitution of 1793, the youthful Marx wrote: "The right of property is therefore the right to enjoy and dispose of one's resources as one wills, without regard for other men and independently of society: the right of self-interest."2 This triumph of possessive individualism within the ideology of the revolution itself explained, in his view, the fact that although it was the militancy and the social weight of the proletariat that accounted for the success of revolutionary movements in France, it was always the possessing classes that led those movements and benefited fr6m them.3 Immanent in that critique is the idea that the revolution that the young Marx envisages would transcend the logic of the French Revolution by incorporating it, radicalizing it and taking it to the very end of this logic by emancipating humanity in general, irrespective of class or nationality. Hence the emphatic stress on universality rather than on individual rights, which are seen as building blocs of universal rights; hence, also, the definition of socialist politics as 'the fullest form of democracy'. 4That, then, is the first point. Drafted some sixty years after the storming of the Bastille in France, some seventy years before the taking of the Winter Palace in Russia, the Manifesto assumes the reality, the necessity— indeed, something resembling permanence—of revolution in the long-term dynamic of modern history, even as it serves as something of a connecting link between the democratic revolution that it had inherited and the proletarian one that it was groping toward: the link that eventually came to connect 1789 with 1917, fleetingly as it were, considering that revolutionary visions were quickly reversed within the USSR as doggedly as revolutionary potentials had been sapped earlier in postrevolutionary France, first under the Napoleonic monarchy and then, more fully, with the Restoration of 1815. Between the revolutions of 1830 and those of 1848, Marx had undergone an arduous apprenticeship. The last five of those years had yielded, even before his partnership with Engels got going in 1844, quite an array of formidable texts: Critique of Hegel's Doctrine of the State, A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right: An Introduction, The Jewish Question, the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts, and the famous Theses on Feuerbach.5 The main collaborative work of Marx and Engels in the next few years was of course to be the German Ideology, which they considered unfit for publication, but Marx himself went on, soon after they had