Social Scientist. v 29, no. 338-339 (July-Aug 2001) p. 38.


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38 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

references are included in the text.

6. Recently, Gyanendra Pandey has drawn attention to the curious fact that the history of religions politics in India has found little place in the accounts of the partition being written. See, "Memory, History and the Question of Violence : Reflections on the reconstruction of Partition" (1998). This essay, in two parts, is to be published soon.

7. For a discussion of the relation between might and humiliation, see Simone Weil's wonderful essay," The Iliad, Poem of Might," in Imitations of Christianity Among the Ancient Greeks, (London : Ark Books, 1987), pp. 24 - 55.

8. These remarks by Memon are taken from his unpublished article "The World of Intizar Husain." Memon's Pakistani nationalism and aggressive Islamic idnetity politics are, however apparent in all his published writings. Thus in an article entitled, "Partition Literature : A Study of Intizar Husain," published in Modern Asian Studies, 14, 3(1980), pp. 377 - 410, he says that, whereas the Muslim writers of the Progressive Movement remained attached to "Nehru's sentimental attachment to a united India" (P. 348), the Muslim Leadership "had the common sense" to realise that the idea of "communal harmony" was "unattainable" (pp. 383 - 384). The "course of history," he says, has shown "the progressives to be wrong..." (p. 396)

Memon feels under no obligation to say that a significant number of Muslim leaders did feel that the demand for Pakistan was either commonsensical or justified by history - and continued to feel that way even after the partition. Indeed, if the new biographies ofjmnah are to be believed there is sufficient evidence to show that even the Qaid-e-azam was ambivalent towards the demands for Pakistan. Memon, however, doesn't have to be worried about the complexities and paradoxes of history. For him the history of the partition is nothing more than a feeling for the aspiration of some Muslims who supported Muslim League politics.

In his recent "Introduction," to An Epic Unwritten : Urdu Stories About Partition (New Delhi : Viking, 1998), he advises his India colleagues to be aware of deconstructive strategies, when they write about the partition. Perhaps. But it would have been better if Memon, instead of spending a good number of pages in name-calling and mud-slmgmg had taken his own advice to heart and done precisely that.

9 The Sole Spokesman : Jinnah, the Muslim League and the Demand for Pakistan, Lahore • Sang-E-Meel Publications, 1992. see pp. 96-97.

10. It may not be surprising to discover that Manto used the foundational story of Islam deliberately to counter the use of the same story for propaganda purposes by a major Urdu writer, Ahmed Nadeem Qasmi, who was a once a progressive thinker, but after migration to Lahore in 1947 had dedicated to write diatribes against India. Qasmi's poem, which is of concern here, is a battle cry of the Kashmir! freedom fighter. Later, the great Pakistani writer, Intizar Husain, was to use the idea of hi]rat for his complex exploiation of the idea of homeland civilisation.

11. Robert Coles defines "moral time" as a time of the awakening of conscience. See The Political Life of Children (Boston : Houghton Mifflin, 1986), p. 71.

12. Lifton, The Life of the Self: Toward a New Psychology (New York: Simon and Schustcr, 1961) pp. 91-142.



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