MOVEMENT, POLITICS AND DEVELOPMENT 59 social-democratic middle class coups against 'threatening radical masses5 - as the dynamic capitalist development would now produce a critical mass of middle class and 'educated workers5 that might be more easy to mobilise in peaceful elections. In Kerala, centre-leftists would thus become more interested in work among 'the masses5 and also engage in joint projects with groups and people that previously were looked upon as communist-pariah. Third, while it may well be that this third world late capitalism generates less unified subordinated classes than early European capitalism, the increasingly many movements that reflect the many different conflicts, would ins^ad have to give more emphasis to various institutional arrangements tb promote co-operation in order to reach reasonable results - which in turn might promote democratic methods. If this proved right, there would thus be concurring and even unifying tendencies among different movements, NGOs, and so on. Fourth, and probably most important, the special kind of politically dominated symbiosis between politics and economy in third world late capitalism, I argued, would make it necessary for subordinate classes to not just stand up against private capitalists but also against the monopolisation of politically controlled resources. Hence there might be preconditions for a similar powerful combination of interests of class and radical democratisation against political-cum-economic rulers as previously between nationalism and the struggle against landlordism plus foreign capitalism. In Kerala, then, one likely trend after the landreform would be more focus on the control of various resources beyond land (such as inputs) through which one would be able to appropriate surplus indirectly through the market. This, in turn, would then spur cooperation among real producers in terms of joint management of, for instance, irrigation, the buying of inputs, and the marketing of their products. Further, there would be more need for co-operation among fragmented labour against mobile capital - which called for democratic political co-ordination among the former and negotiations and pacts between the two. Finally, therefore, democratic governance on both local and central levels would become a new main issue after the previous struggle over fixed resources such as land. THE OUTCOME IN KERALA Of course we can not go into details here (in terms of operationalisations, indicators, and empirical results), but with a few important exceptions the above alternative hypotheses from the mid/ late-80s have proved reasonably correct in Kerala.