12 SOCIAL SCIENTIST the revolution, the ^class enemy'5 dies hard. Most of the causes of exploitation and hence of violence are eliminated but not completely in proletarian dictatorship. The state with all its paraphernalia—the military, the police and the bureaucracy—still exists and hence violence also will continue. Thus exploitation, poverty and inequality are the primary and root causes of violence in society and politics, and other causes such as revenge, lust for power, instinct for domination and ambition are only secondary by-products. The more the exploitation, the more intense will. be violence. The basic forces behind exploitation are the dominant socio-economic groups in society. The political apparatus is controlled by the dominant groups which in order to realize or maintain their interests use the various instrumentalities at their disposal. Consequently exploitation is perpetuated through the institutionalization of the exploitative apparatus in the form of political structure. It is the institutionalized nature of exploitation that brings forth various forms of organized group ^ and mass violence, to preserve the concretization of dominant interests. Most often the ignorant and exploited masses are themselves used as tools by the dominant socio-economic groups for the furtherance of their vested interests. If the exploited are made politically conscious of the situation they can be taught the use of revolutionary violence to be turned against the exploiters. 1 Konar^Lorenz, On Aggression, New York 1966; and Robert Andrey, The Territoria Imperative, New York 1966. 2 Leonard Berkowitz, Aggression: A Social Psychological Analysis, New York 1962, and Ashley Montague (ed.), Man and Aggression, New York 1968. This assumption underlies almost all the studies in the volume entitled The History of Violence in America: Historical and Comparative Perspective, Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Gurr, (cds). Washington 1969, and also in Gurr^s book Why Men Rebel, Princeton, 1970. 8 Graham and Gurr. op.cit., p 802. 4 Gurr, op. cit., p ix. . B Ibid., p 317. 6 For an early classic theoretical statement of the frustration-aggression hypothesis?, see John Dollard, Frustration and Aggression, New Haven 1939. 7 Riezler Kurt, "On the Psychology of Modern Revolution", Social Research, September 1943, pp 320-36; portions of Eric Hoffer's The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements, New York 1951, and Donald J Goodspeed, The Conspirators: A Study of the Coup d9 etat, New York 1962. 8 A recent study of this type is E Victor Wolfenstein's The Revolutionary Personality: Lenin, Trotsky, Gandhi, Princeton 1967. 0 Gurr, op. cit., pp 31-33. ' ° Sigmund Freud, Civilization and Its Discontents, John Riviers (trans.) London 1930; Konard Lorcnz, op. cit., ch. 13 and 14. 11 H L Nieburg, "The Threat of Violence and Social Change", American Political Science Review, vol 61, December 1962, p 870. Also see his Political Violence, the Behavioural Process, New York 1961. 13 Chalmer Johnson, Revolutionary Changes, Boston 1966, pp 12-13. *8 Timasheff, War and Revolution, New York 1965, p 154.