82 SOCIAL SCIENTIST movements of the Gandhian variety must be seen partially as an ingredient of Gandhi9 s power politics and partly as instruments of the rich and middle peasants to maintain their hold on the power structure in rural India by collaborating with the urban bourgeoisie and middle-class intellectuals who led the national movement. These agrariam movements succeeded politically, in the sense that they brought awareness among the rural masses but otherwise were infructuous as they failed to transform economic relations. Dhanagre's conclusions are, by and large, sound. But for whom did Gandhi seek power? For himself or for the people of India ? It is doubtful if the agrarian movements were merely seen by Gandhi as a part of his power politics. In all fairness to Gandhi it must be said that he genuinely thought, or led by his followers to think, that unity between the socially and economically disparate groups was a prerequisite for the successful prosecution of the liberation movement. His programme for forging unity was, however, based on unrealistic and wishful thinking and not on any concrete basis. His disillusionment with his lieutenants towards the end of his life and increased concern for the poorer and exploited sections of the society show his realization of the tragic failure of his methods. RoUgio" cultural Idiom The author mentions two systems of indigo cultivation in Champaran1 e. In fact, there were four: ^eralt, khushki, kurtouli {shikmi) and assami-war (ryoti)17. The Bihar Congress leaders did not persuade Gandhi, as noted by the author, to visit Champaran18 but it was Raj Kumar Sukul who virtually dragged a reluctant Gandhi into the peasant struggle of Ghamparan18. In fact, the Bihar Congress leaders came to know of his arrival in Champaran quite late. In the section of Kheda struggle, there are certain contradictions in the statement of facts. The author states that Gujarat was the sleeping partner in the national struggle until Gandhi activated it and in the same breath adds that when Gandhi arrived on the Gujarat scene, a foundation of political movement and action was already laid down30. Similarly Gandhi's concern for untouchability was not a post-Kheda phenomenon.21 In South Africa he invited panchams to his house and cleaned their pots. Disregarding all threats of social boycott, he admitted Dudabhai and his family as inmates of the ashram on 26 September 1915, while the vow against untouchability was included in the draft constitution of the ashram. Gandhi even thought of leaving his wife to dwell in dhed quarters in order to fulfil his mission for the oppressed. He wrote to Srinivasa Sastri, '^It is of importance to me because it enables me to demonstrate the efficacy of passive resistance in social questions and when I take the final step, it will embrace swaraj."2 a Gandhi's concern, compassion, and preachings of human behaviour towards untouchables and dublas were not actuated, as the author