CULTURAL REVOLUTION IN WESTERN INDIA 93 Conclusion To conclude: the non-Brahman movement in Maharashtra, origi-nally known as the Satyashodhak movement, had a much wider significance than the subsequent anti-caste movements. It was a consistent application of democratic norms and values to the entire Hindu social stru-» cture. It demanded, further, equality for Muslims and Christians, attacked the many gods to replace them by one god. It was in these days a liberation challenge to the entire caste superstructure based on feudal and semi-feudal, pre-capitalist land relations, it would have been successful only with the abolition of basic land relations and the colonial order. It was a consistent democratic trend arising from the midst <§(f the lower order, the peasant castes, and led by a democratic intelligentsia. It violently clashed with the other current led by the intelligentsia springing from the upper castes, Brahipans who, while taking an anti-British stand, pursued a conciliatory or justificatory attitude towards the caste-superstructure. It foreshadowed later conflicts, when the bourgeois nationalist leaders were to clash with leaders from the working class and the peasantry over the question of the peasant problems, or the agrarian revolution. Subsequently, the non-Brahman movement -4ost this wide perspective of thoroughgoing attack on the^eld superstructure, and like the earlier upper caste intelligentsia, took a compromising stand on the question of abolition of castes. While mouthing the earlier ideology and condemning the Brahmans, the leading figures strayed into securing an upper caste status for this or that caste in place of destruction of the caste system. This deterioration in outlook further led to a race for seeking patronage and office under the British in the name of fighting Brahman monopoly, and temporarily ended in collaborating with the British against the first big national upsurge. The British played a role in sidetracking the movement. But the democratic traditions of the earlier anti-caste struggle were not dead. The criticism of caste domination even now had a valid democratic content. Besides, the peasant mass with whom the movement was linked was being strongly influenced by the national move-" ment. The leaders themselves were feeling this nationalist urge-the sense of national unity. They merged with the Congress to join the 1930 movement. This coming together of the two currents was inevitable with the strong appeal of nationalism to the peasant masses under the compromising national bourgeois leadership of the Congress. The independent destiny of the movement on the basis ofjyotiba's principles of an uncompromising attitude to the superstructure, combined with an equally radical policy towards imperialism and agrarian relations, could not be fulfilled. However, Javalkar tried to carry out this fulfillment, attempting to combine the anti-caste movement with a radical peasant movement and