THEORIES OF GROWTH 69 capitalists receive. ^This conception constitutes one blade of the scissors with which it had been thought possible to cut the connection which Marx had drawn between the existence of profits (surplus value) and the exploitation of labour and between these and the accumulation of capital as exchange value" (p 245). It is this neo-classical conception which Harris illustrates convincingly to be without meaning and therefore needs to be abandoned. Implicit in the failure of this conception is the refusal, albeit conscious, to recognize in existence of social classes with a specific role in the production system. Finally, Harris comes to the last chapter where he develo-pes Marx's scheme of simple and expanded reproduction. Indeed in contrast to all the classical economists and even in contrast to all the post-Kcyncsian or neo-classical economists, Marx was distinguishable on one major count, namely, his theory of accumulation. The schema of reproduction illustrate all the interconnections between production, distribution, exchange and consumption. The analytical rigour of these schema is remarkable and Harris illustrates their full potential in providing us with a complete theory of capital accumulation and income distribution and, more importantly, a theory of the inherent tendency of capitalism towards crises. Surely there is no automaticity about this tendency nor do crises in themselves lead to a breakdown. As Marx himself remarks, capitalism possesses a remarkable ability to revert to an "equilibrium" if during a crisis, at the weakest link, capitalism is not politically challenged. Harris's survey of the two trends in bourgeois economics and the analytical links between different strands of these theories and finally the pivotal role of modern growth theory in throwing up fundamental questions regarding capitalist growth indeed makes the book under review a fascinating one. However, Harris has neglected a strand in the Marxist theory on growth, namely, Kalecki and Steindl. While Kalecki's theory of income distribution is dealt with, very little is said on his theory of economic fluctuations and growth, and Steindl is conspicuous by his absence. Despite this, the book remains a significant, indeed a much needed, contribution to the Marxian perspectives on modern growth and distribution theories. An essential reading for any student who is looking for a critical appraisal of the geneology and morphology of post-war macro-economics. SANJAYA BAKU