SOUTHERN AFRICA 27
Soames's lack of impartiality was exposed in the Salisbury bombing incidents of a week prior to the run up 10 the election of black representatives that the British daily press (and especially the radio and the television) felt compelled to adopt a less obviously prejudiced style of reporting, f) At no point was any section of the press willing to undertake a serious and objective estimate ofZANU's popularity or to report on thf^ hardships and handicaps under which it was compelled to campaign as a consequence of the colonial Governor's rather desparate and foolhardy attempts to thwart its effective campaigning in large chunks of the black electorate. It is not surprising, therefore, that when the election results were announced the British media "were stundtd." A free and fair election it had been, but not for lack of attempts on the part of the" political enemies of the "national liberation*' strategy, led bv the departing colonial power. It is interesting too that ZANLTs convincing majority (6^ percent popular votes and 57 out of 80 black parliament scats) has not stopped the British Parliament and the British Governor from preaching to Mugabe the virtues of a broad based government in a multiracial society.
Mugabe's first statement as Prime Minister designate on Zimbabwe's foreign policy stressed its commitment to non-alignment, its desire to join the Commonwealth, and its intention to forge friendly links with "those who have stood with us in our struggle".
The guerrillas of both the organizations with the Patriotic Front and particularly the guerrillas operating under ZANU from their bases in Mozambique, became rapidly politicized and constituted a formidable force capable of moving into the mainland with popular suppoit behind them. This development was accelerated to an unprecedented degree especially from 1978 onwards. For a cynical, yet perceptive assessment of the Zimbabwean situation from the viewpoint of a detached bystander, see Conor Cruise 0' Brien, "lan Smith and the Unmaking ofUDI", The Observer, 13 August 1978.
At the present moment, nowhere is the defensive posture of imperialism more clearly manifest than in its attitude to SWAPO in Namibia.
The extent to which China is prepared to base her global policy on a purely anti-Soviet stance is evident from her overtures not only to Japan and the western countries but also to various other states, including Chile under Pinochet and Iran under the Shah (notorious for their repression of the masses), with which China has forged close political links during the last several months. The Soviet presence in Afghanistan has been utilized by China and the United States (as well as the western powers) as an occasion for whipping up international hysteria against the Soviet Union.
In this connection it must be noted that with the accelerated politicization of his ZAPU cadres, Nkomo has, of late, found it increasingly difficult to ^go it alone5' in his dealings with imperialism and its allies. We have elsewhere noted the unpredictability of Nkomo and his pronounced leaning towards accommodating with imperialism in order to safeguard the class interests of the Zimbabwean bourgeoisie and petit-bourgeoisie. It is equally important to remember that, as the political conflict continues, objective limits will be placed on his ability to manoeuvre the political future of Zimbabwe. This has already been made amply evident in the results of the election. For the time being at least, the interests which he represents have been relegated to a relatively minor place in the emerging configuration of political forces in Zimbabwe.