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Schwartzberg Atlas, v. , p. 183.

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or Kumārī), Varu&ntod;a, and Sāgarasamv&rtod;ta (region surrounded by the sea, sometimes designated Si&mtod;hala), apparently indicat- ing the Indian subcontinent and adjacent countries of Central and Southeast Asia. It was described as 1,000 yojanas from north to south and inhabited by the Kirātas and Yavanas on the eastern and western borders respectively and by the Brah- ma&ntod;as, K&stod;atriyas, Vaiśyas, and Śudras in the middle. Although medieval authors such as al-Bīrūnī and Abul Fazl tried to lo- cate all nine divisions of Bhārata within South Asia itself, it is now generally agreed that such an exercise is unwarranted. However, few regions outside the Indian subcontinent can be identified with certainty. Those appearing to relate to parts of Southeast Asia are listed on map (a) with their probable or possible identifications. Purā&ntod;ic compilers also possessed some knowledge of countries of the west including northeast Africa. But for the "island continents" sometimes referred to in that quarter we lack precise information.

The specific geographic information of the Purā&ntod;as is, in marked contrast to the vague and ambiguous cosmography, more or less systematized in its presentation. Janapadas were arranged in seven divisions, which we may regard as broad cultural regions. While the texts say nothing of the spatial ex- tent of the janapadas, and while certain names occur in differ- ent divisions from one text to another, suggesting transitional regions, most janapadas have been identified and are plotted on map (a) in their proper culture regions. In some cases a name is plotted twice. This may signify, as in the case of the Abhīras, in Sind and in Maharashtra, that a people markedly shifted its locality during the period when the Purā&ntod;as were being compiled. Or it may signify different interpretations by modern scholars of the location of a particular janapada. In such cases we plot what to us appears the more uncertain lo- cation with a question mark following the name. Even where only a single location is suggested we may employ a question mark to signify that it is particularly dubious.

The seven "culture regions" of our map are: Madhya-Deśa, Udīcya/Uttarāpatha, Prācya/Pūrva-Deśa, Dāk&stod;inātya/Dak&stod;i- &ntod;āpatha, Aparānta/Paścād-Deśa, Vindhya-P&rtod;&stod;&ttod;ha, and Parvat- Āśreya. The last we have subdivided into Uttara-Parvat-Āśreya and Parvat-Āśreya proper in light of the considerable overlap- ping of janapada names between it and Uttarāpatha. Overlap of names between the largely tribal and mountainous region of Vindhya-P&rtod;&stod;&ttod;ha and Dak&stod;i&ntod;āpatha was also common and prob- ably reflects, to a large degree, the limited knowledge the Pu- rā&ntod;ic compilers had of peoples living in remote areas and areas of difficult terrain. Analysis of the regional divisions just noted provides insight into the dynamics of regionalism and throws light on the cultural and historical development of peoples liv- ing in these areas at different periods of history.

Comparison between the culture regions of plate III.D.3 and those shown but not bounded on earlier maps or discussed in relevant atlas text will reveal the changing spatial perspec- tives of peoples living during the entire period covered by sec- tion III. In this respect the extent of Madhya-Deśa, including certain janapadas overlapping into the Vindhyan region (e.g., Daśar&ntod;a), points to the progress of cultural expansion and the problems of acculturating peoples living in inaccessible forest and mountain areas. Except in the east, the Purā&ntod;as essentially perpetuate the concept of Madhya-Deśa subsumed under the term Āryāvarta, dating from the Late Vedic period. Our ex- clusion of Magadha from Madhya-Deśa is a thorny question and is related to the age of the Purā&ntod;ic evidence. Our position stems from our general preference for basing the frontiers of our map on evidence relating to the earliest decipherable Pu- rā&ntod;ic assignation of janapadas to one of the seven divisions depicted. Our carrying the eastern limit of Madhya-Deśa even as far as the Śona River is also questionable, since early tradi- tion places it no farther than the Kāśĩ region (Varanasi). Cer- tain later Purā&ntod;ic compilers, however, seem to have considered Magadha as a part of Madhya-Deśa, owing to various political, cultural, and religious developments of the Gupta Age, despite the resistance such a change in view must have engendered.

It has already been suggested that the varying degrees of knowledge of the Purā&ntod;ic compilers notably affected what they wrote about the location and nature of particular janapadas. It appears that some names relate both to tribal peoples and to natural features. The vaguely known Da&ntod;&dtod;aka janapada also connoted a forest region and was said to extend all the way from modern Bundelkhand south to the banks of the Godavari or even the Krishna River. In the far South the names of only the more accessible peoples such as Āndhra, Co&lline;a, Pā&ntod;&dtod;ya, and Kerala are mentioned, which also points to the limited extent of early intercourse with the rest of India. On the other hand, the Purã&ntod;ic compilers knew about the Pahlavas (Parthians) and Carmakha&ntod;&dtod;ikas, among others in the north- west, which suggests a period of frequent contact or better knowledge owing to the historical events of the period con- nected with Parthians, Śakas, Ku&stod;ā&ntod;as, and others.

The natural features and sacred places noted in the Purā&ntod;as are plotted on map (b), which may profitably be compared with a similar map drawn on the basis of the Mahābhārata (III.A.2 (c)). Certain observations in the text relative to the latter apply to this map also and need not be repeated here. Most important, however, is the fact that in disseminating knowledge of sites of particular sanctity the Mahābhārata and the Purā&ntod;as played a very important role in fostering the cul- tural unity of India. Sacred places, it is obvious, were (and remain—cf. plate X.A.9) unevenly distributed, and certain re- gions had few or none at all. But, in contrast to the Mahābhā- rata map, that for the Purā&ntod;as shows the development of a number of pilgrimage sites and the recognition of sacred riv- ers along both coasts of India all the way to Cape Comorin (Kumārī), which indicates sustained intercourse with the ad- vanced Dravidian peoples of the South.

Apart from the utility of the Purā&ntod;ic map in the study of culture regions and cultural diffusion and for ascertaining the extent of geographical knowledge in the past, it is also useful in studying political history. Many of the Purā&ntod;ic names occur repeatedly in inscriptions relating to military campaigns and became standardized in time through continuous identification with particular localities or regions irrespective of their origi- nal, largely ethnic connotations. Comparisons of earlier Pu- rā&ntod;ic usages with those in later texts, such as that of the Chi- nese Buddhist pilgrim Hsüan-tsang, may also reveal changes of political and cultural connotation over time.

Jain sources also provide long lists of place names and a lively cosmographic tradition, which was drawn upon by Jain astronomers in their attempts to determine the volume of the universe. We have reproduced on plate III.D.3 a portion of an illustration of the Jain conception of Manu&stod;yaloka (World of Man) to indicate one of their views on cosmography.

Sources (in addition to those in the General Bibliography)

Primary Sources

Bhāratavar&stod;a; Kalha&ntod;a; Kau&ttod;ilya; Mahābhārata (a); Mahā- bhārata, Hariva&mtod;śa Purā&ntod;a; Manu; Pā&ntod;ini (1.a and 2); Patañjali; Purā&ntod;as (utilized: 4, 5, 9, 10, 14, 16, and 17; con- sulted: all others); Rājaśekhara (1 and 2); Varāhamihira (b); Yādava Prakāśa.

Critical Studies of the Geographic Text of the Purā&ntod;as

V. S. Agrawala (1964b); A. B. L. Awasthi (1965); W. Kirfel (1927), (1954) (see also Bhāratavar&stod;a above); C. A. Lewis (1962); D. Sircar (1945), (1951), (1967), (1971a).

Other Modern Works (applicable in part also to plate III.A.1, map (c))

V. S. Agrawala (1963a), (1963b), (1964c); S. M. Ali (1966); S. K. Belvalkar (1939); S. B. Chaudhuri (1955); S. Chaudhuri (1961); I. S. Chemjong (1966), (1967); A. Cunningham (1924); V. R. R. Dikshitar (1935), (1951–55. listed under General References); A. S. Gupta (1964a); S. D. Gyani (1964); R. C. Hazra (1940), (1958, 1963); L. Hilgenberg (1933); P. V. Kane (1917), (1930–53); S. G. Kantawala (1963, 1964); (1964); W. Kirfel (1920); B. C. Law (1954); D. R. Mankad (1962); F. E. Pargiter (1913); B. Prakash (1963b); A. D. Pusalker (1955); K. Rai (1960); S. S. Sarkar (1964); M. R. Singh (1972); D. Sircar (1967); M. P. Tripathi (1969).

III.D.4. Cultural Sites of the Classical Age, c. A.D. 300–700, and Routes of Chinese Travelers to India

Activities associated with India's cultural renaissance dur- ing the Classical Age not only spread throughout South Asia, but also involved countries of Central Asia and China—and, through China, Korea and Japan and Southeast Asia. Geo- graphical knowledge of South Asia grew as a result of the efforts of Indian traders, missionaries, and adventurers as well as the exploits of their counterparts from abroad.

Plate III.D.4 relates to the cultural activities of the age. It locates places prominent for education and religion and shows sites important from the point of view of art history. It also depicts the itineraries of the most prominent of many Chi- nese Buddhist pilgrims. Somewhat inconsistent with the over- all theme of plate III.D.4 is a chart of the organization of the Gupta Empire, which has been included here for want of space on plate III.D.1. In our consideration of plate III.D.4 we will first discuss the travels of the Chinese pilgrims, then discuss the organization of Gupta Empire. The main features related to the development of art and architecture will be dis- cussed briefly in the text for plate III.D.5.

Among the contributions of foreign travelers to the history, geography, and culture of India, those of the Chinese pilgrims are most outstanding. India's relations which Central Asia and China were already developed by the beginning of the Classi- cal Age. In addition to political and commercial contacts, the introduction of Buddhism to China proper by the 1st century A.D. led to increasing exchanges between the two countries on the part of scholars, missionaries, and pilgrims, whose hazard- ous journeys greatly advanced the geographical knowledge of the time. While the travels of the Indian scholars and mission- aries provide only general information about the important re- gions, places, and routes beyond the subcontinent, those of a number of Chinese pilgrims furnish rich accounts of the his- tory, terrain, people, religion, and mythology of India. Al- though Chinese pilgrims began their travels to India, referred to as the "Western Land," in the late 3d century A.D., Fa-hsien (399–414) appears to be the first Chinese pilgrim not only to successfully complete his journey to India by land and return by sea, via Si&mtod;hala and Southeast Asia, but also to leave be- hind an account of his dangerous mission. After Fa-hsien, numerous Chinese pilgrims traveled to India, among whose itineraries those of Chih-meng (404–414), Hsüan-tsang (629– 45), and I-ching (671–95) are reconstructed on map (a). These four great pilgrims are among the 187 pilgrim scholars who endeavored to go to India between the 3d and the 9th centuries in search of knowledge of Buddhism and Indian cul- ture and specifically to secure Buddhist texts, studying at such famed centers of learning as Nālandā and visiting sacred places of Buddhism.

Our reconstruction of the travels of Fa-hsien, Chih-meng, Hsüan-tsang, and I-ching (I-tsing) is based on both primary and secondary sources, the former in English translations. Fa- hsien, Hsüan-tsang, and I-ching wrote their own travel ac- counts, known respectively as Record of Buddhist Countries (Fo-kuo chi). Record of the Western World (Hsi-yü chi), and Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (Nan-hai-chi-kui-nei-fa chuan). The Life (of Hsüan-tsang) (Ta-tz'u-en Hsa-tsang fa-Hsih chuan) writ- ten by Hui-li provides a valuable supplement to the pilgrim's own work. In addition to the copious comments of the trans- lators of the works just cited, we have utilized a number of secondary researches, among which those of Cunningham (1871, with notes by S. M. Sastri in 1924 edition), Yule (1873), Lambrick (1964), and Mirchandani (1967) deserve special recognition.

Fa-hsien's account of his travels is relatively short. The ear- lier portions, up to his arrival in Udyāna, which he describes as "the northernmost part of India," are strictly geographical; but thenceforth his description of countries and places is re- plete with religious, mythological, historical, and contempo- rary materials. Fa-hsien tried carefully to mention both the bearing and the distances of each place he visited from the one he had just left, which greatly facilitates following his route. Even so, one cannot trace it with certainty but must seek help from incidental notices as to the nature of his journey, the natural features traversed, and the climate encountered. There are different views regarding Fa-hsien's journey between Kho- tan and the Darada country (north of Kashmir, see plate III.D.3) and from Nāgarahāra to Mathurā. Within India, we have plotted his main route and ignored local detours.

Fa-hsien visited India during the reign of Candragupta II Vikramāditya and testifies to the high level of prosperity and cultural progress of the Middle Kingdom (Madhya-Deśa). He comments on the conditions of the places he visited and the facilities for travel, which, judging from the absence of refer- ence to any unpleasant incident during his protracted journey, were excellent. Although Fa-hsien's descriptions of natural features, climate, language, and material culture are generally scant, he significantly notes that the people of Udyāna and other regions in the northwest spoke the language of Madhya- Deśa, and that "the layman's clothes and food [in Udyāna] are also the same as in the Middle Kingdom." Fa-hsien's account of Buddhism is fairly full and enables us to form a reliable pic- ture of its popularity in different parts of India. He noticed the exclusive popularity of Hīnayāna in Lopnor, Darada, Udyāna, Gandhāra, Vara&ntod;a, Kānyakubja, and Kauśāmbī and of the Hīnayānic Sthaviravāda sect in Si&mtod;hala. He found Mahāyāna exclusively popular only in Khotan and prevalent along with Hīnayāna in places such as Afghanistan, the Punjab, Mathurā, and Pā&ttod;aliputra.

Fa-hsien left Pā&ttod;aliputra via Campā for the port of Tāmral- ipti, where he embarked on a sea voyage via Si&mtod;hala and Java to China, which he reached in 413–14. He testifies to regular voyages from India to these countries and provides an interesting account of Si&mtod;hala, noting its geography, commer- cial importance, pearls, and traditional history and religion.

Chih-meng led a group of fifteen monks seeking to go to India. Nine turned back from the Pamirs and one died of ex- haustion, while Chih-meng and the others reached the Ganga Plain and there collected Buddhist texts. Chih-meng returned to China with only one companion, the other three dying en route. The available accounts of Chih-meng provide no sub- stantial information apart from the route he traversed and the places he visited. In our reconstruction of his itinerary, Her- mann's Historical Atlas of China was most useful.

Not plotted on our map, but nevertheless significant, are the travels of Sung-yun, an envoy of the Empress Dowager of the Wei dynasty who, together with a Chinese Buddhist monk, visited northwestern India in 518 and collected a total of 170 volumes of the works of Mahāyāna sects in Gandhāra and Udyāna before their return to China. The availability of these texts at the beginning of the 6th century in the regions noted indicates the progress in writing down important works since Fa-hsien's complaint, a century earlier, of an absence of writ-

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