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Schwartzberg Atlas, v. , p. 228.

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though India does not regard the delimitation as legal.) The remarkably wide range of perceptions on the part of various powers as to where the border ought to have been is illustrated by plotting the boundaries portrayed on a dozen different rep- utable maps as well as those described in two relevant diplo- matic texts.

The cutoff date for the information presented on maps IX.C.2 and 3 is December 1971. Later information relevant to international boundaries is provided under the heading "Late Particulars" on page 263.

Sources (other than those in the General Bibliography)

Government Documents

C. U. Aitchison (1929); China (1960), (1962); India, Cen- sus (1931), (1941), (1961), (1971); India, Quartermaster General Dept. (1910, filed under General References); India (Republic) Ministry of External Affairs (1959–66), (1961a), (1961b), (1963); India (Republic), Information Services (1965); India (Republic), Ministry of Information and Broad- casting (1963a), (1963b); Pakistan, Census (1972); United States, Dept. of State, Office of the Geographer (1961–69).

Atlases (see also those cited on plate IX.C.3, maps (c) and (d))

India, Survey of India (1924); India (Republic), Ministry of External Affairs (1963).

Maps

In addition to the unbound maps cited on plate IX.C.3, maps (c) and (d), numerous modern maps of the Surveys of India (pre- and post-independence) and Pakistan, at various scales, have been utilized; for specific citations see main bibliography.

Other Works

Z. Ahmad (1960); G. Ahmed (1967); Akbar Khan (1970); G. J. Alder (1963); Bla-ma bTsan-Po (1962); R. Brines (1968); S. Burke (1973); K. B. Callard (1959); O. K. Caroe (1958); V. H. Coelho (1967); D. Dichter and N. S. Popkin (1967); W. F. van Eekelen (1967); J. P. Ferguson (1961); M. W. Fisher et al. (1963); A. Fletcher (1965); N. Goyal (1964); H. R. Gupta (1967–68), (1969); Sisir Gupta (1961), (1966); T. Hagen (1971); K. S. Hasan (1966a); J. Humlum (1969); M. Ibrahim Khan (1965); Indian Society of Interna- tional Law (1962), (1963), (1965); International Commis- sion of Jurists (1959), (1960); S. Johri (1964), (1967), (1968), (1969); V. B. Karnik (1966); F. M. Khan (1963); J. Korbel (1966); P. Kunstadter (1967); P. L. Lakhanpal (1965); A. Lamb (1964), (1966), (1967), (1968); F. M. Lebar et al. (1964); R. A. Malik (1963, listed under Unpub- lished Works); D. R. Mankekar (1966); N. G. A. Maxwell (1970); A. A. Michel (1967); G. N. Patterson (1960); S. M. M. Qureshi (1966); G. N. Rao (1968); M. Razvi (1971); L. E. Rose and M. W. Fisher (1967); J. W. Spain (1963); H. Uhlig (1962/63); S. P. Varma (1965); F. Watson (1966); D. Woodman (1962), (1970).

IX.D. POLITICAL MOVEMENTS AND RELATED EVENTS

IX.D.1. Political Movements and Events of both Internal and External Importance

The various maps presented on plate IX.D.1 relate to a wide range of "newsworthy" events in the post-independence history of South Asia. Regrettably, bad news is much more often re- garded as "newsworthy" than is news of social, economic, and political progress. It typically occurs in dramatic incidents of a violent nature, whereas progress results from processes of change over considerable periods of time. Violence tends to be localized in the areas of its occurrence and as such is easy to map; progress, however, is usually experienced over a fairly extensive area and is difficult to portray cartographically ex- cept in terms of its statistically measurable results. If, there- fore, the nature of our data leads the reader to feel that the maps on plate IX.D.1 are biased so as to show only what is bad about recent South Asian history, we direct his attention to the large number of maps focusing on progress within the region that are presented in atlas sections X and XI, and to the record of major achievements provided under various head- ings in the end cover chart, "A Chronology of South Asia." A consideration of the total body of evidence presented should preclude the formation of a distorted view of modern South Asian history.

While the events portrayed on plate IX.D.1 may all be re- garded as internal from the perspective of each of the states of South Asia, many have had important external causes or con- sequences or both. To cite an obvious example, the violence that broke out in East Pakistan in March 1971 ceased to be an internal Pakistani affair as soon as masses of refugees began pouring across the borders into India. Similarly, Naxalite vio- lence (see below) in India, to the extent that it is inspired by Chinese revolutionary propaganda, cannot be regarded as a wholly internal problem. Tribal disturbances along the borders of various states of South Asia are, when abetted from outside the state, also no longer a matter of internal significance only. Even a wave of food riots may to a degree be caused by ex- ternal forces in the general domains of foreign trade and aid and, in turn, may appreciably affect a nation's subsequent dip- lomatic posture.

Map (a) relates to the more important communal, sectarian, linguistic, and other social disturbances that occurred in South Asia in the period from 1947 through 1971. (For subsequent events related to these matters and others considered on plate IX.D.1, see the section headed "Late Particulars" on pages 263–66.) It will be seen that no state of India or province of Pakistan has been entirely free of such disturbances over the quarter-century covered by the map. The characteristic types of disturbances differ, however, from one region to another. Communal riots were most widespread in the North, especially in Punjab and Bengal; linguistic riots in opposition to the im- position of Hindi characterized the South; anti-Ahmadiya sec- tarian riots were experienced in many cities of West Pakistan; and so forth. To comprehend the social bases of most of the disturbances portrayed on the map a study of the many reli- gious, linguistic, caste, and tribal patterns on the plates of sec- tion X will prove most helpful, as will a perusal of plates IX.A.1 and 2, which relate to the reorganization of Indian states, which since 1953 has taken place primarily on a linguistic basis, in no small part in response to some of the very distur- bances shown on map (a).

Economic and political disturbances and insurrectionary movements during 1947–71 form the subjects of map (b) and its two insets. These include Communist-led peasant uprisings, "Naxalite" violence (Naxalites are a group of Maoist-inspired terrorists whose chief targets are large landowners, though some operate also in cities), and a wide diversity of other eco- nomic and political disturbances including a number whose aims have been secession from either India or Pakistan. The areas most affected have been West Bengal; adjoining regions of Bihar and Orissa, and Andhra Pradesh, where the oppres- siveness of the agrarian system has weighed particularly heav- ily on the peasantry; and tribal regions over much of north- eastern India (inset (b2)), where the culturally, religiously, and linguistically based differences from the greater part of the country have led to vigorous secessionist movements, demands for greater regional autonomy, or both. Large cities too have periodically experienced a high degree of civil unrest. In and around Calcutta such unrest has at times been a chronic con- dition of existence. Also shown on the map are the periods of president's rule in various states of India, martial law in Paki- stan as a whole, and "governor's rule" in the provinces of Paki- stan, which have frequently been the result of protracted pe- riods of civil unrest. These may also be seen, more clearly perhaps, on the "Political Conspectus of South Asia" in the end cover pocket of the atlas. Like map (a), map (b) may be better understood if studied in conjunction with maps in other parts of this atlas, particularly the maps relating to the agrarian structure (XI.B.1 and 4 and XI.E.1) and to the distribution of tribal peoples (especially X.A.7).

Maps (a) and (b) highlight the difficulty of nation building in an area as ethnically diverse and economically depressed as South Asia. That India has managed to maintain its integrity as a state in the light of the forces for division and revolution it has had to contend with is no mean achievement. That Paki- stan has failed in the same endeavor is not really surprising. Of neither country can it yet be safely said (even after the seces- sion of Bangladesh) that the forces for disruption of the state have finally been overcome.

The developments leading to the emergence of Bangladesh have been dealt with in a variety of contexts in this atlas (see especially plates IX.B.6, maps (a), (c), and (d) and chro- nology and related text). Maps (c) and (d) of plate IX.D.1 do little more than document cartographically the traumatic events of the final act of that tragic drama. Map (d) also points out the insurmountable difficulties Pakistan faced in trying to maintain its hold over its distant eastern province in the face of the combined opposition of the local population and the armed forces of India.

Sources

The great bulk of data for this map plate was derived from news digests, especially the Asian Recorder, Facts on File, and Keesing's Contemporary Archives, supplemented where neces- sary by contemporary newspaper accounts. Otherwise, apart from other sources cited in the General Bibliography, the fol- lowing were utilized: Bangla Desh . . . (1971); A. Gupta (1964); G. Hegde (1971); B. L. Joshi and L. Rose (1966); R. N. Kearney (1967); G. D. Khosla (1949?); G. D. Over- street and M. Windmiller (1960); R. Swarup (1970).

IX.E. SOUTH ASIA IN THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD

IX.E.1 South Asia in World Affairs, 1947–71

By virtue of its major contribution to the Allied cause in World War I, India was accorded full membership in the League of Nations and subsequently in other international or- ganizations and thereby gained an international personality well before it attained its independence. Its capabilities as an actor on the world stage, however, were greatly constrained by its subordinate status within the British Empire. Among the other countries of South Asia, Afghanistan and Nepal enjoyed the right to conduct their own foreign policies from 1921 and 1923 respectively; but in international relations their impact was negligible. It was therefore not until after the achievement of freedom by India and Pakistan in 1947 that South Asia be- gan to play a significant role in world affairs. Plate IX.E.1 in- dicates where and how that role has been played outside South Asia itself by the several states of that region during the period from 1947 to 1970–71. For information on the nature of in- ternational relations within the region one should consult plates IX.C.1–3 and IX.D.1. For events later than 1970 (the terminal date of the map) or 1971 (the terminal date of the chronol- ogy), one should consult the atlas section entitled "Late Par- ticulars" (page 263) and the end cover chart "A Chronology of South Asia."

Much of the content of both the map and the chronology of plate IX.E.1 relates to the evolving global geopolitical pattern, of which South Asia formed an important part throughout the period under review. The essential aspects of that pattern, with re&sgrave;pect to India and Pakistan, may be sketched as follows: India's foreign policy, as shaped by Jawaharlal Nehru, was predicated on the assumption that by following a path of non- alignment with any of the world's power blocs, India could best promote her own national interests and contribute to world peace and stability. In pursuing such a course, it was felt, the country could exercise a position of moral leadership in the world, and indeed for many years it did enjoy such a position in the view of many nations, particularly among those newly independent states of the "Third World." Unlike India, Paki- stan never displayed any pretensions to world leadership. Its overriding concern in foreign affairs was to shore up its strength so that it might better protect itself against the threat it sensed from its large neighbor, India, and more effectively advance its position in its various disputes with that neighbor, particu- larly with respect to Kashmir. It was therefore a willing partner in such military alliances as the Baghdad Pact (later CENTO) and SEATO, whose main purpose was to contain the perceived expansionist policies of the Soviet Union and its allies, includ- ing, for a time, the People's Republic of China. The cordial relationship Pakistan developed with the United States as a result of their military ties has provided, since 1954, a persist- ent source of stress in Indo-American diplomatic relations. As a counter to United States involvement with Pakistan, India developed increasingly close ties with the Soviet Union. The shift of China out of the orbit of the USSR during the late 1950s, the growth of an unbridgeable rift between them, and the gradually developing hostility between China and India, culminating in their brief border war of 1962, appreciably altered the global power configuration and the system of inter- national relations in the region of South Asia. Differences of ideology notwithstanding, Pakistan recognized that a close re- lationship to China was as diplomatically useful to it as the alliances it had earlier formed with the West. In cultivating that relationship it created a basis for the further development of Indo-Soviet cooperation, since both India and the Soviet Union had much to fear from the rising strength of China. In 1971, as friction between India and Pakistan intensified as a result of events taking place in and around the area that was soon to become Bangladesh and as the threat of a new Indo- Pakistani War loomed ever larger, India entered into a twenty- year "Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation" with the Soviet Union. This treaty was the first international engage- ment in India's history to entail mutual military commitments with a major foreign power.

Apart from their involvement in the struggles among the great powers, India and Pakistan and, in varying degrees, the other states of South Asia have also been active in a number of international organizations and informal groupings of states whose interests they shared. Among the formal organizations that have been of the greatest importance are the United Na- tions and the British Commonwealth. All eight of South Asia's independent states are now members of the United Nations (Bangladesh having been admitted in September 1974), and India, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka (Ceylon) remain members of the Commonwealth (Pakistan having withdrawn in 1972). The chart in the lower left corner of the plate indicates the membership and dates of entry of the several states to the United Nations and its affiliated agencies, as well as to the Colombo Plan, which also covers the whole of South Asia. A large number of the entries on both the map and the chronol- ogy relate to South Asia's participation in United Nations and Commonwealth affairs. In the former organization its role has been very significant. Through 1970 troops from various coun- tries of the region have had a major part in nine United Na- tions peacekeeping operations from Greece and Zaïre (the Congo) in the west to Korea and West Irian (New Guinea) in the east. Mme. Pandit of India and Sir Muhammad Zafrullah

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