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Schwartzberg Atlas, v. , p. 262.

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procedure might entail, it was impracticable because we never determined the precise years when any particular area thresholds were passed by the powers treated in this atlas, whereas we did determine specific years when shifts in power status were made, as shown by our dynastic bars. But had we used the 10% and 40% area criteria we would have eliminated from consideration only seven of the sixty-two powers dealt with and might barely—and only briefly—have added but two, the Sikh kingdom and the Husain Shāhīs of Bengal; additionally, the Gurjara-Pratihāras might have been recognized as a pan- Indian power for one or two decades. In a word, then, a uniform areal basis for analysis, rather than the regional one we employed, would have had no very significant effect on our universe of data.

19. At a symposium at Duke University (13–15 April 1973) at which this paper was originally presented, Professor Ainslee Embree observed that the data presented in figure 14.4 sug- gest that a periodization of Indian history different from the one employed might well have been in order. From the point of view of an analysis of regional power configura- tions, leaving other considerations aside, that might well be true. The following changes would then be appropriate: (1) to end the Ancient Period about A.D. 470, when the Gupta dynasty fell from pan-Indian to supra-regional status; (2) to consider the Early Medieval Period as extending from c. 470 to c. 1150, during which time two contemporaneous supra-regional states are fairly common, but three such states and any pan-Indian state are rather rare; (3) to recognize a Late Medieval Period from c. 1150 to c. 1580, during which three or more contemporaneous supra-regional states become fairly common and at least two becomes the prevailing pattern; (4) to consider as "Proto-Modern" the period from c. 1580 to c. 1800, during which a pan-Indian state, either Mughal or Maratha, is normally present but not, as a rule, to the exclusion of one or more supra-regional pow- ers; and (5) to consider the Modern Period as beginning only about 1800, after which time a single pan-Indian state, either British or independent Indian, is continuously pres- ent, generally with no contemporaneous supra-regional power (to which rule Bhonsle, until 1819, and Pakistan, from 1947 to 1971, were the sole exceptions). While these new time frames would unquestionably yield sharper differences among periods than those we have presented, the basic arguments and conclusions of our analysis would in no way be altered by a recasting of the data.

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