ECONOMIC HISTORY OF SAMBALPUR DISTRICT, 1849-1947 33 30,000 Sambalpur born persons emigrated to Assam' (ibid:12). Mr Hamid writes 'from the Sadar tehsil many labourers and poor raiyats generally go away every year in February to Chakradharpur and other places on the railway where they can find work, returning to their homes just before the rain sets in' (op.dt: 15) 7. Whereas Dewar estimates the productivity (for paddy) at 35, 25 and 22 maunds per acre for bahal, berna and mal land respectively, Hamid estimates the productivity at 24, 20 and 17 maunds respectively for the above of land. See Dewar (op.dt.: 63) and Hamid (op.dt: 21). Cultivable land is generally dassified as aat (high lyine land), mal (upland terrace), berna (del) and bahal (low lying land occurring towards the bottom 01 a depression). Aat land is suitable for growing groundnut and pulses whereas the remaining three categories are suitable for growing paddy. 8. For similar observation elsewhere, see Acharya (1976: 85-86) Hunter (1907) estimated that about 31 per cent of the population of Orissa belonging mostly to lower castes—who worked as day labourers, menials, small handicraft men and a large section of the raiyats perished in the famine of 1866. 9. Senapati and Mahanti (1971: 188) note: 'It was difficult, in the face of long previous prosperity, to believe that distress in Sambalpur would be real. It was reaF and the explanation is that the appearance of prosperity is somewhat deceptive, for it is confined to certain rich parts of the district and to the higher dasses. The standard of comfort moreover is low, a large proportion of the population consisting of aboriginals do not save. Distress was consequently acute, and one striking illustration of its reality is that the merchants bought up at low prices thousands of brass lotas and ginas, two cart-loads of which were at one time being ferried over the Mahanadi to Sambalpur daily. Another illustration will be found in the figures of export and import, for equal quantities later in theyear'. 10. According to Hamid (op.dt:19) the average price of land which was Rs. 16-11-0 per acre during Dewar Settlement increased to Rs. 58, 31, 39 and 17 respectively in the Khalsa and Zamindari of Sambalpur and Bargarh tehsil. The rise in the value of land also led to a rise in the number of dvil suits pertaining mostly to mortgage and transfer of immovable property. O'Malley observed that 'suits for ejectment or for recovery of possession are common, and are mostly brought by Gountias to recover from sub-tenants/possession of their home—farm lands' (op.dt: 185-86). 11. O'Malley (1909: 97) writes: 'Until 1887, when a Forest Officer was appointed, the reserves were managed by the revenue offidals with the help of a very small staff of subordinates; and inhabitants of the district were allowed to cut and collect produce in them, and to graze their cattle as much as they like, on payment of a fee of four annas a year on each plough or rood. The latter is known as commutation fee, because the villagers are allowed to commute for their annual supply of fuel ^and timber for home consumption on payment of a fixed sum. The appointment of a Forest Officer led to the formation of the Sambalpur Forest Division and the introduction of the forest stamp system, which is a feature of the forest management in the Central Province. Under this system respectable inhabitants of conveniently situated villages are appointed forest licence-vendors. They supply applicants with licenses to cut and remove such produce as the latter may require on payment at rates spedfied in an authorised schedule of prices; and they place on each licence forest stamps, which they canpurchase from the treasury, of the value of the produce covered by the licence. Their remuneration consists of a commission (generally one anna in the rupee) on the amount spent by them on purchasing stamps from the treasury'. 12. Though we do not have substantial data on the influx of manufactured goods during this period (as a result of colonial policy), literature in Orriya language tells us about the downfall of cottage industry and the various problems of the artisans in production and marketing of their commodities. For instance See Mehar (1972: 306-09); Census of India (1961: Part 7-A), etc. 13. The Hineir Rampur Coal Company (1909), the Ib-River Colliery (1917), the Graphite Mining in*Sargipali (1945), the Indian Aluminium Company at Hirakud (1938) and the Orient Paper Mills at Brajaramagar (1939) were only a few industries and mines, worth the name, that operated during the pre-independence period. But their contribution to the economy of the district, in terms of production and labour absorption was not very significant. See Senapati and Mahanti (1971: 209-15). 14. The average annual percentage variation for area under different crops during the years 1913-14 to 1918-19 and 1937-38 to 1945-46 are as follows: total food grains 6.46 and 1.86, oil seeds -6.43 fruits and vegetables -2.41 and 2.76. 15. This general description is based on the different reports referred to so far in this 16. This categorisation of agrarian population tentatively shows that the numerical strength of the landlords and rich cultivators, who come invariably from the higher castes, is negligible compared to the bulk of landless labourers. If data on caste and ownership of land would have been available it would have shown an interesting relationsnip.