A third international movement, Maharshi Mahesh Yogi's International Meditation Society (Spiritual Regeneration Movement), does not qualify as a revival and reform move- ment in India but is plotted on map (b), showing South Asian religious movements abroad. Two more recent movements have risen, chiefly in the West, with Indian leaders: The Krishna Consciousness movement and the Divine Light Mis- sion of Guru Maharaj-ji; these are not mapped.

Lower-class religious movements rose in two areas, Travan- core and Chhattisgarh, that saw little reflection of religious ferment among the elite. On the Malabar Coast, the teachings and institutions of Sri Narayana Guru profoundly influenced his caste, the Ilavas (Ezhavas), and the related castes of Tiya and Billava in Malabar and Mysore (now Karnataka) in this century. In the 19th century, the Satnami movement among the Chamars of the Chhattisgarh area began its purifying (and eventual modernizing work) under the religious leadership of Ghasi Ram.

Islamic Movements

The two major reform movements among Muslims, the Mujahidin organization of Sayyid Ahmad of Rae Bareli and the Aligarh movement of Sayyid Ahmad Khan, differ in atti- tude toward Western ideas and the British presence in India, but both can be traced to the teaching of the 18th-century thinker Shah Wali-ullah of Delhi. Shah Wali-ullah's stress on ijtihad (ongoing doctrinal interpretation, human reason applied to Islamic textual sources) was his chief contribution to the 19th-century reform movements. Wali-ullah's influence can be seen early in the 19th century in the Mujahidin and Faraizi movements, and later in the Deoband and Aligarh movements and the Ahl-ul-Hadis revival. Only the Ahmadiya messianic movement in the late 19th century claims no authority in the name of Wali-ullah's school.

The movement of Sayyid Ahmad of Rae Bareli for the puri- fication of Islam began after his return from Arabia in 1818. Its ideals of reform were in part similar to those of the Wahabi movement in Arabia, and the name Wahabi became popularly, but inaccurately, applied to the Indian movement. A corollary of reform, the establishment of Islamic rule, resulted in the migration of Sayyid Ahmad and numerous followers to a base on the North-West Frontier from which they conducted jihad (holy war) against the Sikhs and later battled the British. Al- though Sayyid Ahmad and his close associate, Shah Muham- mad Ismail, died in battle in 1831, a remnant of the Mujahidin community continued on the frontier until early in this cen- tury. The community was fed with men and money through a series of organizations centered in Patna.

A disciple of Sayyid Ahmad, Titu Mir, began a movement that also stressed puritanism, egalitarianism, and the renuncia- tion of un-Islamic practices in the Twenty-four Parganas dis- trict of Bengal. It assumed a socioeconomic nature by battling the zamindars on behalf of the peasants and was crushed in 1831. A similar movement, the Faraizi, continued in East Ben- gal through much of the 19th century. Another revivalist, Karamat Ali of Jaunpur, conducted a forty-year religious cam- paign from a flotilla of boats on the Bengali river system and served as a bridge between the fundamentalist Mujahidin and the modernists.

The next impulse for revival came from a theological col- lege established at Deoband in 1867. Its graduates spread all over India, mobilizing a modern Muslim identity through teaching and issuing legal opinions (fatwas). Like the earlier Mujahidin, the Deobandis were basically unsympathetic to western culture and institutions, but the college used some western-style organization techniques. Deobandis gave strong support to the nationalist Khilafat movement in the 20th century.

The institutions and writings of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and those gathered around the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh (established as a school in 1875 and as a college in 1877) have had a profound effect on the religious and political thought of educated Muslims all over India. Al- though he called himself "thrice a Wahabi," Sir Sayyid's ef- forts to reconcile Islam with modernization brought forth ac- ceptance of British rule rather than jihad or socioeconomic protests and came under criticism from the orthodox. During Sir Sayyid's lifetime, his newspapers, educational conferences, and especially the College at Aligarh stimulated the creation of educational institutions in the North. His influence is also reflected in the Muslim institutions noted on plate X.B.5.

A former professor at Aligarh, Shibli Nu'mani, developed a reformed theological curriculum at the Nadwat-ul-'Ulama in Lucknow. The seminary had its roots in an annual gathering of 'ulama (men learned in Islamic law and theology) who were dedicated to reasserting their political leadership within mod- ern situations and to reconciling the different Sunni sects of Islam.

The Ahmadiya movement, centered before partition in Qadian in Gurdaspur district, East Punjab, did not affect Is- lamic thought in India in general. It did produce a tightly knit community dedicated not only to the teaching of its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, but also to economic and educational cooperation. After the death of the mirza, the more western- ized of the group established a center in Lahore, and this branch rejected the claim of the mirza as prophet. Both branches have been very active in missionary work (see world inset map, especially West Africa). The sect has suffered from orthodox opposition and was officially declared a non-Muslim minority by a resolution of the Pakistani National Assembly in 1974.

The Ahl-ul-Hadis (followers of the prophetic tradition) in north India experienced a revival in the latter part of the 19th century, although its organization remained decentralized. Its chief influence is through the graduates of its teaching institu- tions. Although charged with "Wahabism" by the British in its early days, the Ahl-ul-Hadis have remained outside the po- litical sphere.

The Shiah minority in India, which had never rejected the possibility of contemporary itjihad, experienced no large-scale reform, although there is some such sentiment among the Bohras. The Ismaili Khojas have made missionary efforts in East Africa.

Sikh Movements

After the defeat of the Sikh nation by the British in 1849, several revival and reform movements arose among the Sikhs, resulting in new stresses on puritanism and conversion, the purging of some Hindu elements of Sikhism, and an increased communal consciousness. The Nirankari (Worshipers of the Formless) and Namdhari (Upholders of the Name) move- ments originated in the western Punjab in the mid-19th cen- tury, both stressing a purer Sikhism, although the Nirankari was open to Hindus as well as Sikhs. The Nirankari continued as a sect, largely among non-Jat high-caste Sikhs and Hindus. The Namdhari movement, however, after Ram Singh suc- ceeded to leadership, moved from Hazro to Bhaini, Ram Singh's village in eastern Punjab, and gathered a devout fol- lowing from lower-class Sikhs. The sect's most militant mem- bers, called Kukas (Shouters), began anti-Muslim attacks in the 1870s, and the movement was reduced to a small sect by the government's harsh efforts to curb their violence.

As in the case of Muslim revival movements, militancy was followed by nonviolent elite efforts at reform. Singh Sabhas were established in Amritsar and Lahore and then in many towns in the Punjab in the late nineteenth century. These bore little relationship to earlier movements aside from an emphasis on de-Hinduising Sikhism and the occasional use of Nirankari devotional songs. The Sabhas attempted to stop other reli- gions from proselytizing, founded educational institutions and English-language publications, and began the reform of gur- dwaras (temples). The latter reform led in turn to renewed militancy and political organization.

Buddhist Movements

The Buddhist conversion movement of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, begun in 1956, has gained the majority of its adherents from the untouchable Mahar caste of Maharashtra (cf. plates X.A.5 and X.C.3). Although most nonelite movements do not extend beyond the community or area first involved, the Buddhist movement has affected scheduled castes in other parts of India with its call for equality, education, and human rights. It has had a very tenuous relationship with the Maha Bodhi Society, founded in Calcutta in the 19th century to honor and spread the message of Buddhism.

The dominance of Buddhism in Ceylon and Burma has pro- duced a series of Buddhist movements in each country in re- sponse to the presence of the colonial power rather than to another religion. In both countries, the link of religious revival and reform in its later stages to nationalism and political ac- tivity is even greater than in India.

Sources

General

J. N. Farquhar (1915); S. Fuchs (1965); B. G. Ray (1965).

For Hindu Movements

Arya Samaj (1962); A. C. Gupta (1958); C. H. Heimsath (1964); B. R. Purohit (1965); Ramakrishna Math and Mis- sion (1966); D. S. Sarma (1944); Sivanath Sastri (1911–12); V. R. Shinde (1912); G. P. Upadhyaya (1954).

For Muslim Movements

Q. Ahmad (1966); M. Ahmad Khan (1965); Aziz Ahmad (1967); M. A. Bari (1965); Ziya-ul-Hasan Faruqi (1963); G. F. I. Graham (1909); M. S. Jain (1965); M. Mubarak Ahmad (1965); A. A. Nadvi (1960); Pakistan Historical Soci- ety (1957–, esp. Mahmud Husain and Ahmaduddin Mahrarvi); W. C. Smith (1946); H. A. Walter (1918).

For Sikh Movements

M. M. Ahluwalia (1965); Fauja Singh Bajwa (1965); Harbans Singh (1965); Khushwant Singh (1963–66, vol. 2).

For Buddhist Movements

E. Zelliot (1966).

For Movements in Ceylon and Burma

See sources cited following texts for plates VIII.C.3 and 4 respectively.

Acknowledgments

The aid of Masood Ghaznavi and David Lelyveld in preparing the section on Muslim movements is gratefully acknowledged.

VIII.C.2. Political Events of the Nationalist Period, 1879–1947

This map portrays regionally significant political events that embodied the various facets of the nationalist movement or helped shape the course of politics in the nationalist era. For a balanced view of the period it should be studied along with the maps relating to the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League, other political parties, the growth of representative government, and religious revival and reform movements (cf. plates VIII.B.3 and 4, VIII.C.1, and VIII.C.3–5).

In selecting the data to be mapped, we chose the initial date of 1879 so as to include the abortive rebellion of Vasudeo Balwant Phadke in Poona District and the Konkan. Phadke's attempt was largely unsupported by the educated and the landed, yet it was near-modern in its ideology. Intellectual movements had, of course, begun much earlier, as had political, educational, and social institutions; but they gave rise to no dramatic events. A case might be made for including the "Deccan Riots" near Poona and the "Indigo Rebellion" in Bengal, both peasant movements that elicited elite responses; but these have been omitted as basically not nationalist in their inception. The pat- tern that emerges from the map is that the events of modern political significance first took place in Bombay, Calcutta, and Poona, centers of Western education, then spread south and to the interior about the time of the First World War, gaining momentum after Mohandas K. Gandhi's entrance on the na- tionalist scene. Gandhian activity and the Khilafat movement produced response on a near all-India stage.

The Hindu Mela, organized from 1867 to 1880 by Naba Gopal Mitra in Calcutta, seems to be the first organized effort to expose the general public to nationalist sentiment through religious activities. The same focus was used by Bal Gangadhar Tilak in Poona in the Ganapati Festivals beginning in 1893; a nationalism built on past Maratha glory was evoked in the same area by the later Shivaji Festivals.

A different sort of patriotism, that of the secret revolution- ary society, arose some ten years after the founding of the moderate Indian National Congress in 1885. Several terrorist groups in Poona, Nasik, and Calcutta flourished about the turn of the century; the Bengal groups continued well into the 1930s, with offshoots in Dacca, Pondicherry, Baroda, Chittagong, and Dehra Dun. The sedition trials of Tilak and the trials of Barin- dra Ghose in the "Alipore Bomb Case" and of V. D. Savarkar for his association with a terrorist attack in London, and their subsequent "transportation for life" to the Andamans and Mandalay indicate government fear of revolutionary action; all evoked considerable public response.

The Bengal partition in 1905 brought into action the Swa- deshi movement, which protested not only partition but also economic exploitation by a campaign of burning British goods, encouraging India-made products, attempting mass organiza- tion, and establishing nationalist schools. Aurobindo Ghose was the principal of the first national school in Calcutta, and Satish Chandra Mukherji was the chief organizer of fifty more all over Bengal; but the schools lost impetus with the reunifi- cation of Bengal (see plate VIII.B.2 and text) and the move of the capital to Delhi in 1912.

The next major center of activity was the Punjab. The Ghadr (mutiny) Movement, organized by Har Dayal in San Fran- cisco, was brought to the Punjab in 1915 by Sikhs denied ad- mission to Canada by new anti-Oriental restrictions. Not a popular movement, it was superseded by the 1919 "Punjab Disturbances," widespread nationalist unrest that culminated in the Amritsar firing by General Dyer in which 379 Indians died. (The aerial bombing in the same year during the Afghan War seemed to some nationalist leaders another example of British brutality.) Although the Sikh Gurdwara Movement in Punjab led to a union of Sikh and nationalist causes and to some activity such as the Nabha demonstrations, in which the young Jawaharlal Nehru participated, Punjab was not an area of widespread active response to later nationalist movements. An exception is the case of the young Punjabi Bhagat Singh, who, with others, avenged the prison death of Lala Lajpat Rai with a political assassination in 1928; he became a symbol of