Within a year of Gandhi's return from South Africa in 1915, the area of Congress nationalist activity began to broaden. Much of Gandhi's early work in his native state of Gujarat served as a testing ground for noncooperation. Gandhi's suc- cess in Champaran District in Bihar in securing rights for in- digo farmers, the response to his hartal (strike) to protest the Rowlatt Acts, his participation in the Vaikam satyagraha (a nonviolent movement, as connoted by the rough translation, "soul force") in Travancore for the rights of Untouchables to use a temple road, and the establishment of his third ashram in 1935 at Sevagram, at the very center of India, show his abil- ity to work effectively in various areas.

After the 1919 hartal, Gandhi conducted three all-India nonviolent campaigns for independence, approximately ten years apart. Each evoked much intellectual response in addi- tion to the activist response shown on the map. The chief cri- terion for mapping areas of activity is reported numbers of arrests for civil disobedience.

The 1920–22 campaign was undertaken together with the Khilafat Committee, a large group of Muslim leaders whose nationalism was in part a protest against the British treatment of Turkey and a call to protect the pan-Islamic symbol, the caliph. Begun in 1912, the movement was organized in 1919 through a series of Khilafat Conferences. The Jamiat ul 'Ulama-i Hind, a group of nationalist Muslim clergy from the seminaries of Deoband, Farangi Mahal, and Nadwat-ul-'Ulama in the United Provinces, and the Khilafat Central Committee in Bombay, with Seth Chotani as the president and the Ali brothers, Mohammad and Shaukat, as chief spokesmen, gave the movement direction. M. K. Gandhi and the Alis carried the leadership for a joint Hindu-Muslim campaign for inde- pendence that lasted through the dissolution of the Non-Coop- eration Campaign in 1922 but declined after the Turkish gov- ernment itself abolished the caliphate in 1924.

Two activities stemming from the Khilafat movement turned into tragedies. Moplah "kingdoms" were set up in two districts then in the province of Madras on the Malabar coast, violence ensued, and many Moplahs (or Mappilas) died en route to prison. In the north, a call for hijrah (migration) to a Muslim state took thousands of Muslims from Sind and the North- West Frontier on a journey to Afghanistan; but the Afghan borders were closed to them and many suffered on their return journey.

The 1920s campaign had more permanent consequences in the establishment of nationalist schools. The Jamia Millia Is- lamia, begun at Aligarh and later moved to Delhi, was the first nationalist university, soon followed by the Gujarat Vidyapith, the Bihar Vidyapith, Kashi Vidyapith (Benares), the Bengal National University, and the Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapith. Na- tionalist schools and colleges had allegedly enrolled 100,000 students by 1922.

The 1930 Gandhian salt march down the coast of Gujarat touched off salt demonstrations in many cities and heightened nationalist resolve; but the only rural area of widespread dis- turbance during the campaign was around Chittagong. The no- rent campaigns of the period, especially in Rae Barelli, brought many peasants into the Gandhian movement, and the liquor shop picketing in the South was related to a concept of moral purity and freedom.

The unrest in 1942 was greater than at any previous time, linked in some cases to economic causes as well as political and touching areas not previously affected by Gandhian or other nationalist efforts. Grievances that might at one time have been local were by 1942 woven into the fabric of nationalist discontent.

All through the 20th century, various movements arose related to the nationalist impulse but not a part of Congress campaigns. The Servants of India Society, established by G. K. Gokhale in 1905, drew support chiefly from the Maharashtra area and Madras for its program of committed service to the nation. The Home Rule Leagues, established in 1916 in Ma- dras and Poona, were efforts outside Congress to propagandize the spirit of nationalism, and their gain was soon absorbed into a more radical Congress movement. In Orissa, Andhra, and later Sind, movements for separate provinces based on lan- guage served to politicize those areas. An orthodox Hindu nationalist movement was begun in Nagpur in 1924; V. D. Savarkar's ideology was a part of the development of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (society for volunteer service to the nation). The revolutionary freedom movement of the small Communist Party of India was set back by the arrest of their leaders in 1929; they and labor leaders involved in the Bombay strikes were tried in Meerut for "conspiring to deprive the King-Emperor of the sovereignty of British India" (Tara Chand, 1965–72, IV, p. 84).

The last years before independence are represented not only by the 1942 Quit India Campaign, but also by two abortive revolts. The Indian National Army, recruited by Subhas Chan- dra Bose from Indian army prisoners taken by Japan in the conquest of Southeast Asia, fought its way through Burma to plant a flag on Indian soil, but withdrew for lack of supplies (see plate VIII.C.6 map (b)). The Indian navy rebelled in 1946 in the ports of Bombay and Karachi.

India's final year under the British was marred by riots; in fact the communal violence was a factor in hastening the par- tition that created the independent nations of India and Paki- stan. Communal riots that had a political impact have been mapped as far back as 1893 in Bihar and Bombay. They broke out sporadically from that date until independence, chiefly in northern India. The last Gandhian activity mapped is his tour of Noakhali and Tippera Districts in East Bengal, one of four areas of Hindu-Muslim strife in 1946–47, where he was able to restore communal harmony.

In Ceylon, the last revolt of traditional forces against the British colonial power came in 1848, when protest against tax- ation moved the Kandyan Sinhalese of Matale and Kurunegala Districts to a minor rebellion. This revolt, like that in India in 1857–59, had little in common with the protest movements of the 20th century. Although constitutional methods were gen- erally used in the nationalist movement in Ceylon, three events were interwoven with those orderly processes of change and party development: First, in 1915, following Muslim-Buddhist riots in Kandy, Gampola, and other areas, martial law was im- posed throughout five southwestern provinces, and the arrest of a number of prominent Buddhists led to increased agitation for constitutional reform. Second, the Suriya Mal movement, initially an ex-servicemen's protest, blossomed into nationalist sentiment and worked effectively in the countryside during the 1934–35 malaria epidemic; it strengthened the Lanka Sama Samaj party and led to a program more radical than that of the Ceylonese moderate leadership. Finally, the Mooloya Es- tate incident of 1940, which concerned a police shooting of an Indian laborer, was transformed into a nationalist event when the ministers of the State Council resigned in protest over the arbitrary handling of the case. Though none of the three inci- dents was major, all led to increased nationalist feeling and the first two indirectly strengthened Sinhalese Buddhist solidarity.

Sources (in addition to those in the General Bibliography, but excluding numerous relevant bibliographies consulted)

Government Documents

Great Britain, Secretary of State for India (1943); Great Brit- ain, India, Bureau of Public Information, India in the Year . . . (various years); Great Britain, Parliament, House of Com- mons, East India (Punjab Disturbances) (1920a), (1920b); 1921 movement. . . .

Other Works

K. K. Aziz (1972); B. S. Baliga (1960); Bombay (1957–68); F. S. Briggs (1930); J. H. Broomfield (1968); T. Chand (1965–72); C. Y. Chintamanni (1940); K. Datta (1957–58, vol. 3); A. T. Embree (1972); S. Ghose (1969); R. L. Hamda (1968); S. S. Harrison (1966); F. G. Hutchins (1967), (1973); V. S. Joshi (1959); M. V. Krishna Rao and G. S. Halappa (1962, 1964); R. Kumar (1971); T. N. Lahiri (1954); R. D. Lambert (1951, listed under Unpublished Works); E. R. Leach and S. N. Mukherjee (1970); D. A. Low (1968); R. C. Majumdar (1962–63); J. C. Masselos (1972); T. R. Metcalf, ed. (1971); H. N. Mitra (1920); P. Moon (1961); A. C. Niemeijer (1972); Pakistan Historical Society (1957–); C. H. Philips (1961), (1962); C. H. Philips and M. D. Wainwright (1970); R. Prasad (1947); G. Sahai (1947); Khushwant Singh and Satindra Singh (1966); W. C. Smith (1946); L. F. R. Williams (1922).

VIII.C.3; VIII.C.4, Maps (a) and (b). The Indian National Congress; The Muslim League; Pre-Independence Political Parties in the Provinces; Ceylon, 1883–1948; Burma, 1881–1948

Of the three maps relating to political groups in India (VIII.C.3, maps (a) and (b); VIII.C.4, map (a)), that of the Indian National Congress's presidents and annual sessions re- veals the most meaningful geographic pattern. Perhaps the oldest continuous, extant nationalist organization in the world, the Congress was begun in 1885 as a group of seventy-two moderate, college-educated men from the urban centers of British India. It achieved its first noteworthy political success by influencing passage of the Indian Councils Act of 1892, developed mass support after the First World War, became an organized political party as a participant in the 1937 elections, and continued after independence as India's dominant party. All through its long life, the location of the party president's base and of the site for the annual session have remained sig- nificant. Hence the coverage of this map, in contrast to most others in section VIII, continues beyond independence.

The map indicates that in its early years the Congress met chiefly in the cities of Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras and leaned heavily on Bombay and Calcutta leadership. After the turn of the century it increasingly moved its venue farther and farther afield. The intention of bringing its meetings directly before the masses culminated in four village sessions in the period 1936–40, three in villages so small they could be found only on rather large-scale maps. Only after independence were any sessions held in areas that had been princely states. Some venues obviously relate to historic events: the 1906 meeting in Calcutta after the partition of Bengal (note also the founding of the Muslim League in Dacca at the same time); the 1919 meeting in Amritsar, after the Jallianwallah Bagh massacre; the 1938 session in Haripura near the district of Bardoli, which had been a center of noncooperation.

The pattern of presidential choices indicates a shift in leader- ship after the First World War and the emergence of Mohan- das K. Gandhi to areas less characterized by regional loyalties: the United Provinces, Bihar, and Gujarat replace Bombay, Bengal, and Madras as presidential bases. After independence, a president from the South has often been chosen as symbolic of Congress's overall drawing power.

The All-India Muslim League was founded in Dacca in 1906 at the close of the Muslim Educational Conference and held its first session the following year at Karachi (where, by coin- cidence, its final full session before independence was also held in 1943). The periods of strength of the Muslim League were roughly 1907–12, a time when Muslims won separate elector- ates under the Morley-Minto reforms (cf. plates VIII.B.3 and 4); 1915–20, when, under the leadership of Jinnah, the Mus- lim League joined with Congress in a plea for dominion status; and from 1937 until independence, when the Muslim League, again under Jinnah, gathered a popular following, won over the Muslims of the Muslim majority provinces of Punjab and Bengal, which had previously participated in provincial coali- tion parties, and developed its loyalty to the idea of Pakistan. Muslim League sessions were held, with one exception, in the North. The map shows clearly that a predominance of its lead- ership came from Muslim minority areas, especially the United Provinces, rather than from Muslim majority provinces, such as Bengal and Punjab. After Jinnah's death in 1948, the league played a minor part in Pakistan politics.

Political influence in the provincial legislatures in the years of dyarchy following the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms of 1919 and political groups with a regional bias are shown on plate VIII.C.3, map (b). The parties that participated in the elections of 1937 are omitted from this map unless they were organized earlier, and their strength is shown on plate VIII.C.5. Parties that had no particular provincial base in the period (Communist, Socialist, etc.) are not mapped.

The map serves to indicate the presence of a number of parties in addition to the previously discussed Indian National Congress and Muslim League. Those shown may be cate- gorized as moderate parties (Liberal, Responsivist); Congress offshoots (Swarajya, Khudai Khidmatgar); special interest groups (Sikh and Muslim groups in the Punjab); Kisan Sabha or peasant organizations in the United Provinces and Bihar; non-Brahman organizations (Non-Brahman party in the Ma- harashtra area of Bombay province and the Justice and Dravida Kazhagam parties in Madras); and the ruling coalitions in Punjab and Bengal.

Ceylon's "freedom movement" (plate VIII.C.3, map (c)), unlike India's, was marked by neither violence nor nonviolent action, but rather by the petition and protest method of the moderate, Western-educated middle classes. Political organi- zations, the most important of which are shown on the map, did not generally function like political parties until the 1947 elections. The Ceylon National Association, revived in 1908, grew out of the 1882 Ceylon Agricultural Association, with members coming also from social reform and temperance movements. The Association and the Reform League were the basis of the Ceylon National Congress, by far the most impor- tant political group from 1919 to 1950.

The formation of the Ceylon Labour Party in 1928 and the leftist Lanka Sama Samaj Party in 1935 indicates the organi- zation of other interests. Mass participation, however, was slow in developing. The rural poor did not enter the political arena until the late 1930s. Nor did communal interests in Ceylon express themselves actively, except for the 1915 Muslim-Bud- dhist riots, until the decade after independence. Both the Tam- ils of the Jaffna area and the lowland Sinhalese formed political groups in 1920 and 1921, and the important Sinhala Maha Sabha was established in 1937; but cooperation was more in evidence among the nationalist leaders, Buddhists, Hindus, and Christians, who shared a lowland, Western-educated, middle- class background.

The chronological table above the map lists the constitu- tional changes in Ceylon's legislative body. It should be noted that territorial constituencies (rather than communal elector- ates) insuring Tamil and Sinhalese representation were granted from 1921 on and that universal adult franchise was granted at the early date of 1931. The State Council, created in 1931 by the Donoughmore reforms, was given combined executive and legislative functions. The council format plus the commit- tee system in force from 1931 to 1947 gave little chance for a party system to operate. For details on the major political in- cidents of the pre-independence period in Ceylon see plate VIII.C.2, "Political Events of the Nationalist Period."

Burma's political history since the British annexation of Up-